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April 9, 2009

Blaming the Jews … Again

Henry Lehman left Bavaria in 1844 for a peddler’s life in rural Alabama. Within a year he had saved enough money to open a dry goods store in Montgomery, and a few years later he was able to send for his brothers, Emanuel and Mayer. The firm, Lehman Brothers, expanded, moved into cotton trading and in 1958 opened a New York office, where their prestige grew as international financiers and members of the German Jewish royalty. For the next century the holdings company, one of Wall Street’s most storied investment banks, always was led by a Lehman and, regardless of staff demographics after that, always identifiably Jewish.

All that ended Sept. 15, 2008 — the day Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy, the United States economy fell off the cliff it had been marching toward and anti-Semitism received a powerful shot in the arm.

“Yes all the jews … you are all complicit in being a blight on the community … money money money … it’s the only song the jews sing and the only thing they eat … what they won’t do for money….” a reader from New York, identified as Shawna Murray, commented on The God Blog on this newspaper’s Web site, after reading an Oct. 8 post about the spike in anti-Semitism.

Anti-Semites have long fed off fallacious claims that Jews drink the blood of gentile financial calamity. And, reality be damned, they wasted little time before lobbing such attacks this go-around.

Given the anonymous nature of the Internet, it’s impossible to know whether such sentiments signified a new surge in hatred of Jews or were simply a sign of increased efforts by an angry few. But it appears that more than just the usual suspects have bought into the conspiracy theories and abject anti-Semitism. In February, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) reported 40 percent of Europeans in seven countries — Austria, Britain, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Spain — believe Jews have too much power in business and nearly a third blame Jews for the economic crisis.

“Jews run the world,” Draskovics Andras, a leader in the right-wing Hungarian Guard movement, said in remarks televised on Hungarian TV last month. Jews “need only 2 billion people for their tricks, and the rest of mankind will be executed.”

Though less socially acceptable in the United States, anti-Semitic attitudes appear to be just as common.

In January, Neil Malhotra, an assistant professor at Stanford School of Business, and Yotam Margalit of Columbia University set out to determine just how much blame Americans were assigning to history’s favorite scapegoat. And though the ADL regularly finds that fewer than 20 percent of Americans harbor anti-Semitic attitudes regarding Jewish business practices, Malhotra and Margalit’s study suggests that the historic urge to outsource blame is bringing in at least a few new faces.

Primed with news articles related to the crisis, including one about Bernard Madoff, the macher who made off with billions from the American Jewish community and admitted to running a $50 billion Ponzi scheme, study participants were asked the question: “How much to blame were the Jews for the financial crisis?” They then had to choose between “a great deal, a lot, a moderate amount, a little and not at all.”

“Among non-Jewish respondents,” Malhotra told The Journal, “a strikingly high 24.6 percent of Americans blanketly blamed ‘the Jews’ a moderate amount or more, and 38.4 percent attributed at least some level of blame to the group.”

The campaign against the Jews began shortly after Lehman’s collapse. On Oct. 2, a rumor, based on insinuation and wishful thinking, began circulating on anti-Semitic blogs that before going belly-up Lehman had diverted $400 billion — that’s billion with a “b” — to accounts in Israel.

The origin of this claim was a Bloomberg article reporting that before the company’s collapse, its assets fell from $500 billion to less than $100 billion — a drop of $400 billion. A Lehman trustee attributed this to a “proverbial run on the bank.” The article contained no mention of Israel or Jews or any recipient of these billions, but anti-Semites and conspiracy theorists knew the only answer for the money’s disappearance was Jewish clannishness and trickery.

“The reality is irrelevant. Anti-Semites and bigots and people who accept stereotypes have nothing to do with reality. Facts don’t matter. They create their own,” Abraham Foxman, national director of the ADL, said in an interview.

“Sometimes in bigotry you use a modicum of facts to build your conspiracy,” Foxman said. “If the economy was not in crisis, bigots could not use the economy as a platform on which to operate. Lehman, Bear Sterns, the current Fed chairman, the previous Fed chairman — but that assumes a classic anti-Semitic canard that all these people are in these positions because they are Jewish and therefore act out their Jewishness.”

This is familiar territory for the Jewish people. From poisoning the well to plunging Weimar Germany into desperate poverty, Jews have often been blamed for otherwise explainable tragedies (such as poor sanitation and war reparations).

Anti-Semites looked to the business pages and found Jewish names being mentioned in almost inverse relation to the stock market’s decline.

They turned to Washington and found Jewish economists being blamed for policies that precipitated the crisis and labeled as Jews several policymakers who aren’t, such as former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and his successor Timothy Geithner.

And then in early December, anti-Semites received an early Christmas gift: Bernard Madoff.

Never mind the culpability of the policies of President Bush and President Clinton, the mortgage lending practices of the likes of Countrywide’s Angelo Mozilo — let alone the conspicuous consumption of the American consumer.

Anti-Semites prefer to discount the facts and cling to convenient Jewish names and faces.


“I am actually grateful for this opportunity to publicly speak about my crimes, for which I am so deeply sorry and ashamed,” Bernard Madoff told a U.S. District judge in New York on March 12. “As I engaged in my fraud, I knew what I was doing [was] wrong, indeed criminal.”

With this statement, Madoff, the biggest con man in American history, plead guilty to 11 counts of fraud and accepted the fact that he almost certainly will die in prison.

On top of stripping billions from Jewish nonprofits and their megadonors, Madoff confirmed every ugly stereotype anti-Semites tend to promulgate about Jews. Crooked. Wicked. Consumed by a lust for mammon to the point of moral bankruptcy. Madoff was a walking stereotype — as Foxman said, “a cherry on the top for bigots.”

But Madoff, 70, did not cause the economic collapse. In fact, if the stock market hadn’t plunged about 35 percent between mid-September and mid-November, he and the so-called mini-Madoffs now coming to light likely would have continued their fictitious businesses and have kept robbing Peter to pay Paul. Far from a cause of the recession, the wreckage brought on by Madoff — “scoundrel of scoundrels,” in the words of Nobel Peace laureate Elie Wiesel, one of his multimillion-dollar victims — was a consequence of it.

There were, however, plenty in legitimate corners of the financial services industry who deserve their share of blame. It’s just that their mistakes have nothing to do with their identities as Jews.

Shortly after news of the economic crisis broke, NBC’s “Saturday Night Live” aired a sketch that poked fun at people the comedy show’s writers thought were getting rich on taxpayer money. In a skit depicting a press conference on the federal government’s $700 billion bailout, an actor impersonating George Soros, the billionaire Holocaust survivor, said in a thick accent that he had pocketed the government’s money, which he converted to Swiss francs because he was shorting on the U.S. dollar. Yuppie speculators and “deadbeats” who were approved for loans without credit or jobs also were pilloried. Herbert and Marion Sandler got the worst of it.

The Sandlers had sold Golden West, a savings and loan reportedly filled with bad assets, to Wachovia Bank for $24 billion in 2006. “Actually, we’ve done quite well. We’re very happy,” Marion Sandler said in the sketch, as the screen subtitles identified her and her husband as “people who should be shot.”

Whether these caricatures were anti-Semitic or simply satirical has been a point of debate, in this newspaper and others. Regardless, the Sandlers certainly weren’t pleased.

“I have been listening to this crap for two years,” Sandler told the Associated Press the morning after the SNL sketch. “We are being unfairly tarred. People have been telling us to speak out for some time, but we didn’t think it was appropriate. That was clearly a mistake.”

“Unfairly tarred” is another point of debate. By September, Wachovia had become so fiscally troubled, in part because of Golden West’s toxic assets, that the bank had to be saved by Wells Fargo. Sandler did not respond to a request for comment for this story, but NBC apologized and has edited the Sandlers out of the version of the sketch that can be seen at NBC.com and Hulu.com, the latter of which is partially owned by NBC.

To be sure, there are people who happen to be Jewish who deserve blame for their role in the financial crisis. And many would argue that the Sandlers are among those topping the list. But it’s hard to argue that their actions, like those of former Lehman Brothers CEO Dick Fuld or former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, have anything to do with being Jewish.

These were decisions made as banking executives and economic policy leaders, and not at the diabolical direction of the Elders of Zion.

In fact, the genesis of the global economic malaise was as American as Chevy trucks and apple pie.

The collapse began as a crisis in credit markets, which had been contaminated by the U.S. housing market, which had been precariously propped up by bad lending practices and rabid real estate speculation. All the while, consumers kept spending more and more. Dismal salary increases were no deterrent for homeowners. There was plenty of cash stashed inside that exponentially appreciating home for a new motorcycle or boat or Hawaiian vacation.

The profits weren’t real, but homeowners spent as if they were. Bankers were all too eager to keep supply in line with demand. And Washington politicians gladly looked the other way.

Indeed, economists say the meltdown had too many moving parts — speculative home buying, lax financial regulations, low interest rates, etc. — to pinpoint one clear catalyst.

“The current problem is one of certain confusion by so many people; there are so many fingerprints on this thing,” said Roy C. Smith, a professor at NYU’s Stern School of Business. “We don’t have an answer to who the culprit really is.”

“I’m not willing to say that person or that agency is to blame,” said Mark Thoma, an economics professor at the University of Oregon who writes the Economist’s View blog. “There were several faults, any one of which if it wasn’t there would have made a big difference.”

But what’s clear, economists agree, is that the colossal downturn was not the work of just Jews — no matter how anyone manipulates the evidence.

In a Time magazine list of 25 people to blame for the financial crisis, six Jews were among the culpable parties. The ratio is about 10 times Jews’ representation in the general population, but it is unclear whether that measure is different from that of Jewish involvement in the financial industry. What is known, though, is that while Jews are prominent and prevalent, they do not dominate the financial industry. In fact, not a single CEO of the 10 largest commercial banks, as of Sept. 30, was Jewish.

How is it then that Jews came to be so strongly identified with Wall Street and the world of international financing?


Long before 23 Dutch Jews arrived in the colony of New Amsterdam in 1654, moneylending was one of a few professions open to European Jews, who often weren’t allowed to own land or join the guilds. Moneylending was prohibited of Christians by the Catholic Church; Jews were familiar with businesses built on large amounts of risk and preferred jobs that endeared them to those in power. The glove fit — for some, a bit too well. In some cases exorbitant interest rates led many Christians to believe that Jews were more intent on destroying their debtors than on making money. The most infamous depiction, of course, is Shakespeare’s Shylock, a fictional character who has done more to color the Jewish people than just about anyone in literature — biblical or otherwise.

“The more Jews became involved with commerce, the more non-Jewish society associated them with commerce and finance, the more they became negatively stigmatized by it and the more they were excluded from noncommercial activities, such as agriculture,” said Jonathan Karp, an associate professor in Jewish studies at State University of New York, Binghamton, and author of “The Politics of Jewish Commerce: Economic Thought and Emancipation in Europe, 1638-1848.” “There was an element of a vicious cycle or a self-fulfilling prophecy that pushed Jews more and more into these activities.”

The art of charging interest was passed from father to son and so on, and though the church’s restriction eventually faded, Jews had the experience and a leg up. This would pay a pretty penny for a handful of German Jews who immigrated to the United States in the mid-to-late 1800s. Here they found a proven formula for success that was rooted in the ingenuity necessary for diaspora life and their Old World familiarity with moneylending: from rural peddlers to international financiers in a matter of only a handful of years.

It began with the Our Crowders — those aristocrats of post-Civil War New York, the Lehmans and Seligmans, the Loebs and Schiffs, the Goldmans and Sachses. “The New Crowd,” as Judith Ehrlich and Barry Rehfeld dubbed the next arrival of Jews on Wall Street in a 1989 book by that name, took over in the hyper-aggressive, private-equity days of the 1970s and 1980s. Many of these business leaders still work on Wall Street today; no longer is it a profession of necessity.

“I don’t think Jews are predominantly drawn to finance anymore. Jews are drawn to a whole variety of prestigious and lucrative professions,” said Derek Penslar, a visiting professor at Columbia University and author of “Shylock’s Children: Economics and Jewish Identity in Modern Europe.” “They have been drawn to banking and the stock market; to medicine and law; to academia. I think Jews are simply attracted to pursuits that require higher education and promise good money or a prestigious reputation. They are oriented toward brainwork, but not toward finance.”

It should be said, too, that the financial crisis — just as rough on the Jewish community as the broader American public — certainly has not been good for the Jews. Charities supporting Jewish causes have been hammered. Jewish megadonors have lost substantial chunks of their wealth and have tightened the purse strings. And professions with heavy Jewish representation have been decimated: the financial industry, real estate and construction, law and, not to be forgotten, media.

Looking forward, Jews have landed on both sides of the debate over the recession’s cause and course of action. While many worked for the banks that leveraged themselves beyond belief, and in some cases out of existence, and many worked for the government agencies that could have reigned-in an economic bubble built on low interest rates and an out-of-control housing market, many others were sounding the alarms during the years that preceded the current crisis.

This reality was replayed last month on Comedy Central’s “The Daily Show” when, hours after Madoff plead guilty, Jewish host Jon Stewart coolly excoriated the also-Jewish CNBC personality Jim Cramer for his network’s “cheerleading” the inflated economy and for the frenetic nature of the stock advice he belts out on “Mad Money.”

“We’re a big network. We’ve been out front, and we’ve made mistakes,” an unusually contrite Cramer said. “We’ve got 17 hours of live TV a day to do. But I —”

“Maybe you could cut down on that,” Stewart quipped.

Then in defending the advice he dishes on “Mad Money,” Cramer said, “The show has evolved as the market got tougher.”

To which Stewart offered a correction: “I think evolved might be a strong word. Mutated.”

The six-minute interview — or interrogation — became an immediate moment of cultural catharsis. Comedy Central also uploaded unaired portions of the interview onto one of its blogs, Indecision Forever, which quickly was peppered with more than 3,500 comments, the vast majority of them thanking Stewart for calling Cramer on the carpet.

Anyone who saw “The Daily Show” on March 12 — the show’s audience of 2.3 million was second in 2009 only to Inauguration Day — understood the differences between these two small-statured, big-brained, larger-than-life Jews from quite similarly modest backgrounds:

Hero and villain.

Watchdog and booster.

Prophet and king.

It didn’t matter that Cramer wasn’t responsible for the mania in home buying or irresponsibility in bank lending, that he was simply a TV personality who shouts commands to buy and sell certain stocks. It didn’t matter that, as Megan McArdle wrote for The Atlantic, “Going after Jim Cramer is like trying to fix your marriage by getting new drapes.”

Though he admittedly had offered some bad advice since Wall Street collapsed six months ago, Cramer became the fall guy for just about anything that’s wrong with the economy.

You could even call him a scapegoat.

But lost in all the scapegoating — often the case when Jews are blamed for someone else’s problems — is the crucial lesson of the U.S. and global financial crises: Most Americans and many in industrialized countries got drunk on money that didn’t exist and comfortable with lifestyles they couldn’t afford. Now the world is suffering a pretty nasty hangover.

Blaming the Jews … Again Read More »

Good News, Confronting ‘La Causa’, L.A. Times on Israel

Good News
Great issue (April 3)! I was visiting my sister in Los Angeles. We picked up copies of The Jewish Journal at Habayit Restaurant, partly because of the insert on Artifacts, Stories & Music. Being a musician, I was particularly intrigued by the Nowakowsky article. But then I leafed through The Journal itself and found quite a number of articles I enjoyed reading and wanted to share (e.g., with my wife back in San Francisco). Nice work, guys; a hearty “well done” to you for an enjoyable and informative magazine.
Jeff Levinger, via e-mail


Confronting ‘La Causa’
Kudos to The Jewish Journal for exposing KPFK’s anti-Semitic radio program “La Causa” (“Latino Radio Show Stirs Concern Over Views on Jews,” March 20). I wish I could offer the same kudos to Jaime Rapaport and David Myers’ response to the “La Causa” program (“Extremist Opinions Must Not Go Unchecked,” March 27). Instead of leading protests outside of KPFK, they wrote an article to their fellow Jews wringing their hands about how extremists hurt the Jewish Latino alliance.

If the African American or Latino community were confronted with the disgusting, over-the-top racism that Jews always face from the “progressive” community, they would confront it with in-your-face, angry demonstrations. The offices of KPFK would have been occupied. Myers and Rapaport would probably have joined in the protests.

Unfortunately, unlike African American and Latino leaders, the Jewish community response to outrage is, at best, statements that our feelings have been hurt. Will somebody please give our leaders some cojones?

I’m not a psychologist, but I think a little anger and outrage would be good for Jewish self-esteem and might get us more respect.
Peter Weinberger, Los Angeles


L.A. Times on Israel
I read with dread David Peyman and Sam Yerbi’s piece regarding the awfulness of the Los Angeles Times when it comes to writing about Israel (“That’s Where The Debate Is Going,” April 3). The bias is so obvious that it is embarrassing. It is smeared all over the paper — in the news from Israel, in the articles written by known Israel-haters, in the editorials and even in the letters. The first victim is Israel, the second is the truth. Fairness never found its way there. I am always disgusted when I run into an editorial where the editor tells Israel what to do as if a sovereign country like Israel is obligated to listen to some editor of a thin paper in Los Angeles who wants to tell Israel how to run the country, or rather how to give it away to a bunch of murderers who have no right to it whatsoever but just simply want it.

Forgive the cliché, but what we have here is old-fashioned anti-Semitism, loud and clear and heartbreaking, and it happens here in our city.
Batya Dagan, Los Angeles

Your April 3 issue detailed a recent meeting held between a top L.A. Times editor and local Jewish notables who were dismayed at the editor’s statement that Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state was a legitimate issue around the world. I think the discussion is much too limited.

What right does Vatican City have to exist as a Catholic statelet in Italy?  What right do Iran and Pakistan have to exist as explicitly Islamic states? What right does the United States, the heir to illegal European colonialist settlers, have to exist on land expropriated from the indigenous inhabitants? The same question applies to Australia and New Zealand, or to the illegal British settlers in Northern Ireland, or to the Latin American states, all the heirs of illegal colonialist Spanish and Portuguese settlers. I want there to be a full discussion of issues like this in the Times and other media outlets, rather than focusing solely on Israel. If there is no such discussion, I’d like people to talk about why such issues aren’t being raised.
Chaim Sisman, Los Angeles

Thanks for the Opinion piece by David Peyman and Sam Yebri about their meeting with a senior editor of the L.A. Times. I agree with them: There is no question in my mind — and many other readers’ too — that the L.A. Times editorial policy has been badly skewed in favor of anti-Israel rhetoric. And congratulations to The Jewish Journal for the courage to publish their opinion piece — to tell it as it is where the L.A. Times is concerned.

Peyman and Yebri urge our community to speak up — write a letter to the editor. I have done just that, many times; and the L.A. Times has published quite a number of my letters under both my name and a pseudonym — but never a letter critical of the L.A. Times editorial policy, and certainly never about their apparent anti-Israel leanings. I had considered canceling my subscription to the L.A. Times, as have a number of my acquaintances (maybe that’s one reason their subscriber base is down). How else can we make our concerns heard?
George Epstein, Los Angeles


Italian Jews
I can’t believe that your Editor-in-Chief Rob Eshman could make such a ridiculous statement as “look at him,” he’s not Italian he’s Jewish (“American Idols,” April 3).

Since when is Jewish a nationality and not a religion?

The last time I checked, I’m pretty sure you can be Italian and Jewish at the same time.

Lastly, what does an old Jew look like?
Nesha DeAngelis, Santa Monica

Rob Eshman responds: Fair point, since some of my best friends are Italian Jews. I was using sloppy shorthand for Italian Catholics.


Offensive Term
The phrase “ultra-Orthodox” is used by gentiles, as well as fellow Jews who dislike observant Jews, to marginalize observant Jews, as well as Muslims, etc. (“Spinka Rabbi Sentenced to 24 Months,” April 3).

Please let The Jewish Journal show its higher level of journalism by refraining from such negative, hateful words as “ultra” when speaking about a Jewish sect which is doing a better job than most of us are in keeping to our Jewish traditions.
Avi Balser, via e-mail


Faulty Conversions
The “faulty conversions” ad of Eternal Jewish Family (EJF) in The Jewish Journal last week insults the integrity of thousands of sincere Jewish couples in Los Angeles (Page 34, March 27).

“Full halachic observance” is not the authentic standard of Jewish identity for the overwhelming majority of American Jews. In our contemporary Jewish community, there is widespread tolerance for diverse patterns of observance.

Conversions to Judaism authorized by Reform, Reconstructionist and Conservative rabbis are accepted as authentic by the majority of religious Jews in America. Only the minority of Jews identified as Orthodox declare our converts to be “not really Jewish.”

In Los Angeles there are two pluralistic Rabbinic Courts that meet regularly to authorize responsible conversions to Judaism: The Rabbinical Assembly Beit Din and the Sandra Caplan Community Bet Din. Each of these Rabbinic Courts welcomes dozens of converts to Judaism every year with dignity, diligence and kindness.

EJF is a narrow-based Jewish religious group. Their claim to speak for “universal” Judaism should be recognized and rejected by readers of The Jewish Journal.

American Judaism is spiritually vigorous and proudly pluralistic. EJF attacks and insults the very premise of American Jewish solidarity.
Rabbi Jerrold Goldstein, via e-mail


No Peace For Israel
I can only echo David Suissa when he writes that President Obama will discover that “no amount of American engagement or Israeli concessions can undo the reality that for the foreseeable future, the Palestinians are utterly incapable of delivering peace to Israel.” (“Mind-State Solution,” March 27).

If peace depended upon American engagement or Israeli concessions, peace would have come long ago. Successive administrations have devoted endless attention to negotiations involving Israel and the Arabs: President Clinton’s first Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, undertook 22 trips to Syria, without positive result. Israel has ceded half of Judea and Samaria and all of Gaza, and handed over assets, funds and even arms to the Palestinian Authority (PA), again, with no positive result.

There is no purpose negotiating with and rewarding with American taxpayer funds an unreconstructed PA that protects terrorists and incites hatred of Jews and Israel in its media, mosques, schools and youth camps. On the contrary, ending ties and aid will be perhaps the only thing that could help bring about a true reformation of Palestinian society.

Sadly, with $700 million given to the PA in the last year by the Bush Administration and hundreds of millions more in the pipeline from the Obama Administration, the conflict is being needlessly prolonged.
Morton A. Klein, National President, Zionist Organization of America, New York, NY


Torah Slam 2
Yesterday, I attended a very interesting event in the theatre on Wilshire Boulevard (“Torah Slam Rabbis Debate,” March 27). Five Rabbis from different Jewish congregations discussed the main source of being a good Jew.

Of course, we heard the most eloquent explanations from biblical points of view about behavioral and moral qualities of a human being. Amazingly, there were even controversial opinions that made the discussion sharp.

I wondered about and at the same time admired those people who raised this question in the time of economic deficiency in the USA. Maybe they are sorry for Madoff, whose greediness caused so many losses for people who believed in him.

Surprisingly, the huge hall of the theater was completely full and most of the people were young.

People then, after the main discussion, were asking a lot of questions that seemed very important.

There was a young woman from Israel who had just finished serving in the Israel army. Her reaction to the rabbi’s words — “Jews, as human beings are obliged to help people of different races and nationalities” — was an immediate decision to help homeless people. She asked if it would be appropriate to build for them kinds of kibbutzim in Israel.

I think the discussion was a success because the leader David Suissa looked like a professional conductor of a symphony orchestra.
Sofia Gelman, Los Angeles


Jewish American Idols
I assume you never viewed Billy Joel when he was interviewed on “Inside the Actor’s Studio” (May 30, 2000) when Lipton brought up Joel’s Jewish heritage and Joel elaborated on the subject (“American Idols,” April 3).

Aside from that part of the interview, the show was like a class in music appreciation when Joel educated the audience on how he wrote his words and music.

If you never saw the show, it is extremely entertaining to a fan or non-fan.
Milt Cohen, Chatsworth

Good News, Confronting ‘La Causa’, L.A. Times on Israel Read More »

Two Words

People who advocate on behalf of Israel are all telling me the same thing: Their job just got much, much harder.

The reason can be explained in two words: Avigdor Lieberman.

Lieberman is the outspoken member of Knesset from the Yisrael Beiteinu Party. Prior to the March election, he called for the expulsion of Israeli Arabs and mandatory loyalty oaths from Israeli Arabs in exchange for the right to vote. He demanded that Arab Knesset members who met with leaders of Hamas or criticized Israel during the Gaza War be tried for treason and executed. 

When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu selected Lieberman as foreign minister, he set Israel on a collision course with American Jewry. That course could be reversible, but it is treacherous.

“Oy,” was the one-word answer I got from a leading pro-Israel activist last week when I asked him how he suspects the Lieberman appointment will go down with American Jews. At a time when Israel faces an existential enemy in a nuclear-weaponized Iran, immediate terror threats on its borders from Hezbollah and Hamas and a diplomatic stalemate with Palestinians riven between Hamas and Fatah, the country needs all the friends it can get. The last thing it needs is an image crisis. And Lieberman, with his shady past allegiances to Meir Kahane’s Kach Party and his record of patently discriminatory statements against Israel’s largest minority is a walking, talking image crisis.

Lieberman is like an image-crisis infomercial: just when you think that’s all, just wait, there’s more! He has expressed a cavalier attitude toward American peace initiatives, dismissing President George W. Bush’s Annapolis conference out of hand in his first major address after taking office. He has called for what would essentially be the carpet-bombing of Palestinian areas following terrorist attacks. And — but wait, there’s more! — this week Israeli police announced that an ongoing investigation into multiple bribery charges against him will likely result in an indictment.

“Don’t worry about Lieberman,” an Israeli friend told me. “He’ll be in court for the next four years.”

But Israel’s professional supporters in America are worried about Lieberman, though they won’t say so publicly — in fact, they will deny it publicly.

They’re worried because for 61 years, Israel’s sales pitch to American Jews, and, by extension, to all Americans, can be summed up in two words: We’re you.

Israel stands for the American ideals of democracy, peace, coexistence and justice. Israel is America’s brand extended into a neighborhood of oil thugs and religious fanatics. 

Israel’s positive values resonate deeply with America’s Jews and with most Americans. That’s why every Gallup poll since 1988 — when the group first starting asking the question — show a decided majority of Americans have more sympathy with Israel in the Middle East crisis than with the Palestinians. Interestingly, since 2006, the number who side with Israel has remained steady at 59 percent — despite two wars and what many American Jewish organizations claim is ongoing bias against Israel in the media and on campuses.

One could argue that such numbers disprove my point: that making Avigdor Lieberman Israel’s diplomatic front man won’t shake this support. But that support rests not on the vicissitudes of Mideast wars and politics, but on the bedrock of shared values. Damage those, and the whole partnership is at risk.

Before he took office, Netanyahu had a chance to appoint a right-leaning minister who would have epitomized, rather than jeopardized, those values: Natan Sharansky. Sharansky is the former refusenik who stood up to the Soviet empire and embodies in deed and in eloquence the Israel that American Jews most love. He would have been a center-right Abba Eban. But Israel’s political circus being what it is, Bibi needed the rich bloc of seats that only Lieberman could offer.  And Bibi, as one pro-Israel activist told me, likely believes he could use Lieberman to keep the carnivorous right in line while the heavy diplomatic lifting falls to the prime minister and his defense minister, Ehud Barak. One more fringe benefit: next to Lieberman, Bibi and Barak look like Schweitzer and Gandhi.

Now that the deed is done, the prime minister must be aware he needs some damage control. So Lieberman penned a kind of retraction for The Jewish Week that attempted to soften his previous stands. He wants all Israelis to sign a loyalty oath, not just Arabs. And he didn’t so much want to force Arabs out as to ensure a Jewish majority. Besides, he wrote, he is for a two-state solution, so how could he be so bad?

If The Jewish Week piece signaled Lieberman’s move to true moderation, that’s well and good. But having heard him take a much harder line toward his fellow citizens at a private gathering in Los Angeles last year, I have my doubts as to the depth of his conversion.

His inauguration speech didn’t do much to allay my fears. It staked out what seems to be a rational explanation for policies that would quickly put Israel at odds with the administration of Barack Obama, a president who received almost 80 percent of the Jewish vote.

“Those who think that through concessions they will gain respect and peace are wrong,” the new minister said. “It’s the other way around; it will lead to more wars. By uttering the word peace 20 times a day we won’t make peace. Those who want peace should prepare for war and be strong.”

If Lieberman wants to change Israel’s image abroad so that it no longer stands for peace and reconciliation but for resistance, the tyranny of the majority, diplomatic intransigence and self-righteous victimhood, I have news for him. There’s already a name for people with that image, and it can be summed up in two words: the Palestinians.

Two Words Read More »

Man With Seventy Children

I can see why a Jewish day school would reject a Jewish child. It could be that the kid has special needs the school is not equipped to deal with, or the parents cannot afford the tuition, or the kid had poor grades in a previous school or simply has a bad attitude.

What school would want to diminish its “brand” by accepting every applicant? Part of what a school sells is the “quality” of its student base and member families. This helps attract more such students and families, which helps boost fundraising and enables the hiring of a quality staff.

So, screening and qualifying applicants is the normal and reasonable thing to do. What is not normal is to accept every Jewish family that knocks on your door.

I visited such a school the other day. It’s called Perutz Etz Jacob Hebrew Academy.

This is a small Jewish day school in West Hollywood that was founded 20 years ago by the current dean of the school, Rabbi Rubin Huttler. Since its inception, the school has been utterly incapable of looking a Jewish parent in the eye and saying, “Sorry, we can’t take your child.”

How can a school survive with such a radical, all-embracing policy?

I don’t know if I have a good answer. I can only tell you what I saw after I hung out at the school with students, teachers, volunteers and the principal of the school since 1994, Rabbi Shlomo Harrosh.

I’ve known the rabbi for many years. Every time I see him, he seems to have another story of “a Jewish child in need.” On the morning I was there, he seemed unusually perturbed. He had recently been shown legal papers from a divorced father who now has full legal and physical custody of his three daughters, two of whom attend Etz Jacob. They are two of Rabbi Harrosh’s best students.

The issue was that while the mother of the girls is a practicing Jew, the father is a Baha’i Muslim. The rabbi was troubled by the possibility that the father might take the girls out of the school — and he was worried about how they would spend their Shabbats and Jewish holidays. The rabbi asked the father, who is respectful of the school, if he could take the girls into his own home for the Pesach holiday, and he was waiting anxiously to hear back.

Sitting in his office, which is located right near the reception area, the rabbi talked about his students as if he knew each one intimately. He knew their individual stories, their personalities, their gifts and the obstacles they each had to overcome.

It struck me, while listening to Rabbi Harrosh talk about his students, that his school is not just one that hates to say no, but one that goes out of its way to say yes.

Take the story of a rebellious 11-year-old Russian boy who refused to leave his room for months. No school would take him. The mother called Rabbi Harrosh, who ended up spending hours alone with the boy, making him feel accepted and gently convincing him that the school was worth a try. The boy became one of the top students at Etz Jacob and is now at Shalhevet High School.

There is a quiet dignity to the school, as if the students are a mirror reflection of Rabbi Harrosh. All 70 students wear uniforms, and they stand up when an adult enters a classroom. This didn’t surprise me, because I knew about the school’s reputation for teaching good midot (manners).

What did surprise me were some of their innovative teaching techniques. How do you get students to be more interested in the parsha of the week? At Etz Jacob, they use thematic songs that connect to the individual parsha. Teacher Zahava Rubanowitz was playing one of those songs when I popped into her class.

“Thanks to these songs,” she told me, “my students remember the ideas behind the parshas 10 or 15 years later.”

In an English class, a teacher asks his students to “bring an idea” they would like to explore with other students. In a literature class, a teacher challenges his students to go deeper into one of my favorite stories, “The Necklace,” by Guy de Maupassant.

Throughout the halls, you see some of your tax dollars at work: private tutors provided by the Los Angeles Unified School District giving one-on-one sessions to students who need extra help. They are there because Rabbi Harrosh did his homework on the rights of the school to get state help, and he pestered the state endlessly to get it.

At a recent fundraiser, the school highlighted the success of some of their alumni: a doctor at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, a psychology major at UCLA, an owner of a mortgage company, among many others.

But there’s a sobering side to the Etz Jacob story. Because many of the parents cannot afford tuition, each year the school must raise about 80 percent of its annual budget from outside sources. And I can tell you from personal experience that Rabbi Harrosh’s forte is not fundraising. He’s good at giving, not asking. I saw the pain on his face when he talked about the anxiety of meeting payroll.

So a group of friends of Etz Jacob have come up with a clever plan: find 613 people in the community to commit to $26 a month on an ongoing basis. Because it’s such a reasonable figure, they hope to attract many givers who will share in the mitzvah of keeping this courageous school going (if you want to help, visit perutzetzjacob.org).

As I drove away from the school toward the flashy signs of sushi bars and beauty salons, I thought about what motivates someone like Rabbi Harrosh. It would be so much easier to reject poor families so that he wouldn’t have to constantly struggle to meet payroll.

He must know all this, but maybe he just can’t help himself. Maybe for him, turning down a Jewish child would be like turning down his own child.

David Suissa, an advertising executive, is founder of OLAM magazine, Meals4Israel.com and Ads4Israel.com. He can be reached at {encode=”dsuissa@olam.org” title=”dsuissa@olam.org”}.

Man With Seventy Children Read More »

Specter — Last of His Kind?

Arlen Specter may be a dinosaur. The senior United States Senator from Pennsylvania, one of only four Northeastern Republican senators, will soon become the only Jewish Republican Senator when Norm Coleman concedes the battle for Minnesota, and one of the few Republican moderates in a position of power. He is not yet ready to become extinct, but what he must do to win re-election in 2010 speaks volumes about the difficult situation the Republican Party is in today.

A former district attorney in Philadelphia, Specter was first elected to the Senate in 1980. During his five terms, his record as an influential moderate has shown him to be a friend both of labor and business.

As the Republican Party moved right in the Bush-Cheney years, Specter’s position became perilous. In 2004, he was nearly upended in the Republican primary by Pat Toomey, president of the anti-tax Club for Growth. He survived because of an odd confluence of support in the primary from the Bush White House and conservative fellow Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, who feared losing the seat to the Democrats if Toomey were the nominee, and in the general election the AFL-CIO, which rewarded his pro-labor record by backing Specter against Democrat Joe Hoeffel. Specter is close to Democratic Gov. Ed Rendell, who pointedly refrained from using his political organization to help Hoeffel. Even so, Specter barely squeaked by in the conservative Republican primary, winning by around 17,000 votes, and then handily won the general election.

Republicans have lost ground in Pennsylvania since 2004. In the Democratic wave of 2006, Santorum was defeated for re-election by Bob Casey Jr. by the largest margin of any incumbent senator since 1980. But the biggest shift of all came between 2006 and 2008, as Democratic support surged and the dynamic Clinton-Obama primary generated excitement.

In the Democratic primary of 2008, nearly 200,000 Republicans re-registered as Democrats. While some were trying to “game” the Democratic primary as urged by Rush Limbaugh, many were moderates moving away from the party. By November, the Democratic share of registration had gone from 47 percent in 2004 to more than 50 percent. Republicans, meanwhile, fell from 40 percent to 37 percent. There were more than 400,000 more Democrats in the electorate than four years before, and 150,000 fewer Republicans, a net swing of more than 550,000 voters.  Clearly this also means a more conservative Republican primary electorate.

In 2008, John McCain’s last gasp was Pennsylvania. His campaign poured resources into the Keystone State in the final weeks, hoping to break through Obama’s solid blue wall. It was a rational choice, the best and only one available, but it was doomed. The race for Pennsylvania had been close in 2004 (a 2.2 percent margin for Kerry), but Obama beat McCain 55 percent to 44 percent.

As the Northeast becomes more and more Democratic, moderate Republicans have a nearly impossible task. Those who support President Obama risk losing their next primary election with a narrower, more conservative party base. If they oppose the president, they may lose the general election. A similar conundrum did in Lincoln Chafee in Rhode Island in 2006, and the bull’s-eye is now pointing at Specter.

Early in the year, Toomey announced that he would not challenge Specter in 2010. Freed from that threat, Specter provided the key swing vote for Obama’s economic stimulus plan (along with two safer Republican moderates from Maine — Snowe and Collins). Feeling rather confident, Specter told reporters that other Republicans liked the plan, but feared a primary challenge. But the stimulus vote became a cause for the Republican base, and soon Toomey began to rev up the engines for another go at Specter. Now Specter had a choice to make: Should he support or oppose the key labor bill, the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA)?

A report emerged that the AFL-CIO had promised to support Specter in 2010 if he backed EFCA. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid openly speculated that it would be wise for Specter to cross the aisle and become a Democrat. Specter, however, calculated that he could still win a Republican primary and therefore announced his opposition, even though he had been a co-sponsor of the bill in 2007.

Specter outraged his labor backers, but perhaps mollified his business base enough to either force Toomey out of the race, or to dry up his support. He still has the option to forge a compromise bill acceptable to business, thereby easing labor anger. With several key Democrats now opposing the bill as written, he has cover from labor backlash. He has made clear to the Republican Party leadership that unless he wins, there will be another Democrat there, and with Al Franken of Minnesota, that would give the Democrats 60 seats. When RNC chair Michael Steele threatened to “primary” the three stimulus backers, Republican congressional leaders backed him off immediately. The 79-year-old Specter could even threaten to not run at all, throwing fear into the Republican and business leadership.

Specter has to hope that his business base and the Republican leadership will clear the way for him in the face of grass-roots conservative opposition. A recent Quinnipiac poll of Republicans found that a majority of Democrats approved of Specter, while a majority of Republicans disapproved. Toomey already has Joe the Plumber (can Sarah Palin be far behind?), but there are still plenty of Pennsylvania Republicans who will grudgingly vote for him in the primary and willingly in the general against a Democrat.

And yet he cannot give too much to the right wing if he wishes to win a general election. This is where Specter’s ability to speak one way and then vote the other — shown time and again — may allow him to create enough confusion to avoid being a clear target. Vote after vote will be coming up in the Senate, and Specter’s choice will be pivotal. He will have to persuade the party base that only he can prevent a total Democratic takeover, while reassuring Democrats that he will not block progress if he is re-elected. Don’t feel too sorry for Specter, though. He loves the limelight and seems to enjoy being at the strategic center.

Specter still has several routes to surviving a primary. The first is to use his massive financial advantage to go on the attack right now. He is already on the air with an effective television ad tying former Congressman Toomey to Wall Street and his votes for deregulation. Maybe Toomey will decide not to run. Or Specter could campaign all year, and if the primary looks bleak, he can still become a Democrat. Or if Toomey is weakened another conservative or two could enter the race, allowing the incumbent to win a narrow plurality. And if he wins the primary, he would be free to tack back to the left to placate Democratic voters. He does not have the Leiberman option, though, of running as an independent if he loses the Republican primary because Pennsylvania has a “sore loser” law.

It might just be enough, but while he may survive, the breed is nearly extinct. He may be one of the very last of the Jewish moderate Republicans. And if he loses and Coleman goes, then the only Jewish Republican left in either branch of Congress will be Eric Cantor, the conservative from Virginia.

The Republican Party makes life impossible for its moderates at its own peril. The Republicans have now lost the Northeast and the Pacific Coast. The Southwest is trending Democratic. The Rocky Mountain states are in play.  The outer South is competitive. The leading 2012 Republican presidential contenders are making their names in the party by threatening to turn down popular economic stimulus money during a recession. Meanwhile, the types of Republicans who can speak to voters in big industrial states with diverse populations with larger Jewish populations such as California, New York, Florida, Pennsylvania and Illinois — the species that was as plentiful as the buffalo 40 years ago — are relegated to the back benches to be called on when their votes are needed. Republicans will miss them when they are gone.

Raphael J. Sonenshein is chair of the Division of Politics, Administration and Justice at Cal State Fullerton.

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Obituaries April 10, 2009

Brooke Alexander died Feb. 27 at 5. She is survived by her mother, Caren; father, Kirk; sisters, Cailey Gurule, Elise Gurule and Casey; brother, Shawn; grandmothers, Barbara Pulver and Marlene; aunts, Linda Pulver and Beth (David) Arcudi; and uncle, Gary (Sheryl) Pulver. Mount Sinai

Hiam Aaron Barmack died March 2 at 87. He is survived by his wife, Norma; daughter, Bethamy (Thomas Richardson); son, David (Morgan Stewart); and one grandchild. Mount Sinai

Lois-Jean Bellman died Feb. 20 at 76. She is survived by her son, David (Laurie); daughter, Ruthelen (Dane) Johoske; five grandchildren; two great-grandchildren; and brother, Howard (Sandy) Bernstein. Hillside

Darnold Blivas died Feb. 22 at 84. He is survived by his wife, Phyllis; daughters, Judith Borenstein and Lynda Cabot; son, Larry; seven grandchildren; one great-grandchild; and sister, Beverly Keith. Hillside

Bernard David Cohen died March 16 at 77. He is survived by his wife, Barbara; and son, Lewis (Deborah). Mount Sinai

Aaron Michael Cooper died March 9 at 29. He is survived by his wife, Devon; daughter, Kaylee; and parents, Rivkah and Sheldon. Sholom Chapels

Florence Coutin died Feb. 26 at 86. She is survived by her daughter, Deborah (Brian) Black; sons, Ronald (Laura), Harvey (Marsha), Gary, Leonard (Carol), Israel (Yehudit) and David (Cathy); eight grandchildren; sister, Cecelia Wolf; and brother, Bernard Zimmerman. Mount Sinai

Norman Dreb died March 1 at 78. He is survived by his sister, Geraldine (Paul) Dreb Bayer. Mount Sinai

Bertha Feinblatt died Feb. 27 at 94. She is survived by her daughter, Maxine Saffel. Hillside

Eris Field died Feb. 28 at 76. She is survived by her husband, Lawrence; daughters, Lisa and Robyn (Anthony O’Carroll); and two grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Phillip Goldhammer died March 5 at 84. He is survived by his wife, Helen; sons, David, Robert and Ronald (Glenn Tan). Malinow and Silverman

Emily Harmell died Feb. 25 at 97. She is survived by her sons, Larry and Jack; daughter-in-law, Joan; five grandchildren; nine great-grandchildren; and brothers, Arnold and Sidney Bertram. Hillside

Mildred Harris died March 3 at 80. She is survived by her sons, Mitch (Susan) and Randy; and brother, William (Anne) Brownstein. Sholom Chapels

Roslyn Herbst died Feb. 27 at 88. She is survived by her daughter, Sharon (Paul) Czerwinski; sons, Robert and Steven (Diann); seven grandchildren; and four great-grandchildren. Hillside

Renee Herman died March 16 at 90. She is survived by her husband, Aaron; daughter, Marla Kay; son, Robert (Margie); three grandchildren; and sister, Janette Harison. Mount Sinai

Ruth Hertz died March 3 at 78. She is survived by her sons, Ken (Marla) and Jeff; one grandchild; sister, Phyllis Fellows; and brother, Robert Littkey. Mount Sinai

Howard Holtzman died March 16 at 67. He is survived by his wife, Fran; daughter, Gini Bowling; son, Jeremy; two grandchildren; and sister, Jackie (Ben) Turner. Mount Sinai

Judith Diane Hopper died March 12 at 59.  She is survived by her husband, Jerry; daughter, Jodi (Raymond) Diaz; sons, Jeff (Kimberly) and Jason (Jingle); three grandchildren; sister, Teri (Bruce) Bulock; and brother, Robert (Linda) Rosen. Mount Sinai

Burton Jacobs died Feb. 21 at 81. He is survived by his wife, Paula; stepdaughter, Debra Cibene; and four grandchildren. Hillside

Madelyn Katz died March 1 at 73. She is survived by her husband, Ronald; two sons, Randall and Todd; daughters-in-law Kathy and Dana; four grandchildren; two step-grandchildren; sister, Helen Sinderman; and brother-in-law, Joel Grey.

Rose Kavaler died Feb. 18 at 100. She is survived by her son, Jerry (Stephanie) Schneider; one grandchild; sister, Jeanette Goldstein; brother, Sid (Joy) Sharp; and niece, Norma Kemper. Hillside

Robert J. King died March 16 at 82.  He is survived by his daughters, Barbara (Harry) Manhoff and Francine (Sarah) King-Rose; sons, Mitchell (Diane), Rick (Carole) Flam and Harvey (Diane) Flam; and 12 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Kenneth Kohon died Feb. 20 at 62. He is survived by his wife, Shari Siegler; mother, Evelyn; and brother, Orrin. Hillside

Sandra Kramer died March 12 at 76. She is survived by her sisters, Lillian Krasn and Louise Spitzer; brothers, Stanley (Susan) and Albert (Ruth); and more than 40 nieces and nephews. Hillside

Louis Kravitz died Feb. 21 at 84. He is survived by his wife, Harriett; daughter, Melody Coleman; son, Art; and six great-grandchildren. Hillside

Frank Lipkin died Feb. 26 at 91. He is survived by his wife, Lyla; daughter, Madeline Schwartz; son, Alan (Susan); four grandchildren; and nine great-grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Roberta Thelma Margolis died Feb. 26 at 73. She is survived by her daughter, Ilene Sandy; sons, Larry and Gary; and brother, Alan Rothenberg. Sholom Chapels

Mildred Melzer died Feb. 24 at 93. She is survived by her daughter, Sara; son, Arthur; and one grandchild. Hillside

Natalie Annette Plevin died Feb. 27 at 87. She is survived by her daughters, Joan (Howard) Plevin-Galant and Marsha; three grandchildren; and one great-grandchild. Mount Sinai

Arline Price died March 6 at 73. She is survived by her husband, Michael Sklarski; daughters, Laura and Alice; sons, Michael and Lawrence; four grandchildren; and brother, Stephen Galer. Malinow and Silverman

Fran Richter died March 2 at 85. She is survived by her daughter, Bonnie Gleason; one grandchild; and one great-grandchild. Mount Sinai

Sharon Beverly Rose died March 3 at 62. She is survived by her husband, Richard; daughter, Rebecca; and sister, Suzanne Roth. Sholom Chapels

LeRoy D. Ross died March 3 at 84. He is survived by his wife, Enid; daughters, Debbie Ott and Stacy (David) Kolinsky; sons, Barry (Marlene) Rose, Craig (Gail) Bishop, Randy (Suzy) Bishop; nine grandchildren; two great-grandchildren; sister, Reggie Finkelman; and brother, Fred (Sondra). Mount Sinai

Shirley Rowen died February 27 at 71. She is survived by her husband, David; daughters, Suzanne (Shawn) Landis and Elizabeth; son, Andrew; and four grandchildren. Malinow and Silverman

Annette Rush died Feb. 16 at 67. She is survived by her daughter, Emily Darling; sons, Jerald and Louis; and three grandchildren. Hillside

Nathan Spilberg died March 1 at 93. He is survived by his daughter, Susan (Bruce) Levin; four grandchildren; and three great-grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Joseph Statland died March 1 at 92. He is survived by his daughters, Irene Robins and Carol Hagberg. Malinow and Silverman

Leonard Stone died Feb. 18 at 92. He is survived by his wife, Shirley; stepdaughters, Arleen and Ellie Hendler; two grandchildren; and two great-grandchildren. Hillside

Esther Swartzman died Feb. 28 at 88. She is survived by her son, Ben (Belinda); and two grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Cheryl Ann Traub died March 16 at 56. She is survived by her husband, Reynold; daughter, Alana (Todd) Heller; son, Justin; and sister, Ellen Darrow. Mount Sinai

Nace Treves died March 4 at 85. He is survived by his wife, Sarah; sons, Alan, Jeffrey, Joseph (Barbara); and three grandsons. Malinow and Silverman

Belle Triebwasser died March 4 at 89. She is survived by her sons, Marc and Harvey (Lisa); and one grandchild. Malinow and Silverman

Lewis Watnick died March 4 at 79.  He is survived by his wife, Sharon; daughters, Lori (Alan) Crane and Shelly (Jeff) Diament; son, Brian (Charlene); and five grandchildren. Mount Sinai

George Weiss died Feb. 26 at 93. He is survived by his sons, Ken and Mark; eight grandchildren; nine great-grandchildren; and brother Peter. Hillside

Phyllis White died Feb. 26 at 84. She is survived by her daughters, Susan Kagedan and Deborah Gordon; sons, Michael and Benjamin; nine grandchildren; and brother, Leonard Siegel. Hillside

Pearl Cohen Zelanka died March 4 at 97. She is survived by her daughters, Ellen (Stuart) Fair, Shelly (Phil) Trop and Arlene Kaplan; sons, Jay (Gail) Cohen and Max (Margaret) Cohen; 12 grandchildren; and 17 great-grandchildren. Sholom Chapels

Obituaries April 10, 2009 Read More »

Israel Faces Soul-Searching Double Standard

After the recent war in Gaza, Israel has endured a firestorm of criticism worldwide over the deaths and injuries of Palestinian civilians. Yet some of the toughest criticism has come from within. There has been a vigorous debate in Israel on whether the Israeli armed forces committed atrocities during the three-week operation, whether enough effort was made to protect noncombatants, and whether religious zealots who see Palestinians as enemies in a holy war have gained too much influence in the military.

This self-questioning is an important process essential to a democratic society. But it also highlights the rather appalling double standard in the world’s response.

The very question of whether similar soul-searching is being done by Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist organization that is also the elected leadership of Gaza, would be darkly funny. Hamas and its supporters have shown no sign of questioning their flagrant disregard for the life and limb of Palestinian civilians, let alone Israeli ones — and while many civilians in Gaza are angry at Hamas for putting them in harm’s way, a robust public debate of these tactics is hardly imaginable.

As for holy-war zealotry, it is explicit in the Hamas charter, which quotes a statement attributed to Muhammad: “The hour of judgment will not come until the Muslims fight the Jews and kill them.” This is taught to children in Hamas-run schools in Gaza. Meanwhile, New York Times columnist Roger Cohen, who wants the United States to be open to talks with Hamas, thinks this charter shouldn’t be taken too seriously because surely they don’t really mean it, and besides, some Israelis oppose Palestinian statehood too.

For all its flaws, Israel remains a remarkably open society despite decades of existence in a near-constant state of war. This is demonstrated by one remarkable aspect of the current controversy in the armed forces.

Some of the reports of the Israeli war crimes against Palestinian civilians, and of instigations of atrocities by fanatical rabbis serving with the Israel Defense Forces, came from taped conversations in an Israeli pre-military academy. This academy is run by one Dany Zamir, who publicized these allegations (later dismissed as based on hearsay). Zamir is a former officer in the Israeli military who served a brief prison term in 1990 for refusing to follow orders to protect settlers who laid wreaths at Joseph’s Tomb in Nablus. In an essay published in a 2004 book about Israel’s conscientious objectors, Zamir described the Israeli state as “anti-democratic” and asserted that collaboration with it was “illegitimate, unjust and immoral.”

Can one imagine a man who publicly voiced such sentiments about Hamas heading a preparatory military school — or, for that matter, surviving very long — in Hamas-controlled territory?

Brig. Gen. Eli Shermeister, the head of the Israeli military’s education corps, has told The New York Times, “The question is, did we do all we could do to avoid hitting civilians? My answer is yes.” Was this invariably true? Probably not; in a war zone filled with civilians, such unwavering commitment to avoiding civilian casualties would be superhuman. And, regardless of where one allocates the blame, the human suffering in Gaza is heart-wrenching.

Nonetheless, when the United Nations and international human rights organizations claim that some Israeli soldiers have used Palestinian civilians as human shields, one cannot help noticing the lack of outrage over the fact that Hamas does the same thing systematically. Not, perhaps, in the literal sense of forcing a young boy to walk ahead of its fighters, but in the pervasive sense of hiding its fighters among noncombatants and its military posts behind hospitals and schools. And when the Israeli military is condemned for delaying ambulances transporting the wounded, one cannot help wondering why the condemnation does not include terrorists who turn ambulances into targets by routinely using them for cover.

It’s not just with regard to Hamas that the double standard operates. No one proposed to make Russia a pariah among nations for its brutal disregard for civilian lives during two wars in Chechnya, in the mid-1990s and the early 2000s; the criticism of Russia’s actions was nothing compared to the relentless flagellation of Israel in the European media. One might add that it is unimaginable that much of the Israeli public would hail as a hero a soldier convicted of the savage murder of a teenage Palestinian girl. Yet this is exactly what happened with Russian Col. Yuri Budanov, who raped and strangled 18-year-old Chechen Ella Kungayeva.

In the latest news, leaders affiliated with the Palestinian Authority and the “moderate” party Fatah have shut down a youth orchestra in the Jenin refugee camp and banned its conductor, Israeli Arab Wafa Younes, from the camp after she took the children to perform for a group of Jewish Holocaust survivors. Imagine the indignation if Israeli authorities had taken such action toward an Israeli youth orchestra that played for Palestinian refugees. In this case, though, don’t hold your breath for the hue and cry.

Cathy Young is a contributing editor at Reason magazine and a columnist at The Boston Globe. She is the author of “Growing Up in Moscow: Memories of a Soviet Girlhood.”

Israel Faces Soul-Searching Double Standard Read More »

Tel Aviv Then and Now

Neve Tzedek
This picturesque, recently restored part of old Tel Aviv offers a quiet, intimate look at the city’s first neighborhood. Home to artists and writers before falling into disrepair as the new Tel Aviv raced northward and upward, Neve Tzedek was restored to its former grandeur earlier this decade, and the artists have returned — along with galleries, cafes, boutique hotels and beautifully restored homes. The neighborhood also includes the Suzanne Dellal Center, one of the city’s prime venues for performing arts.

Nachalat Binyamin
Just north of Neve Tzedek, craftsmen set up on the pedestrian mall of Nachalat Binyamin on Tuesdays and Fridays to sell their wares, ranging from pottery to jewelry. If you’re not in the mood to shop, street performers and clowns provide entertainment. Old and new mix on Lilienblum Street, which runs between Neve Tzedek and Nachalat Binyamin. Here, 90-year-old recently refurbished buildings share space with bars and restaurants that stay open late into the night, including the infamous Nanuchka, a Georgian restaurant where if you’ve called ahead to reserve a spot at the bar, you can drink under a portrait of Stalin and watch patrons dance on the bar.

Beach & Tel Aviv Port
Tel Aviv’s beach is the quintessential symbol of this Mediterranean city. Flanked by a row of hotels and the entire city behind it, the beach is the city’s main selling point for locals who ride its waves, jog its shoreline or bask in its sun daily. Among the best beaches: Hof Frishman and Hof Gordon. North of the beaches and the city’s marina, the new boardwalk along Tel Aviv’s northern port has transformed a derelict area into a thriving neighborhood of restaurants, nightclubs and shops — all within earshot of the Mediterranean’s waves. Fine for a stroll, the boardwalk is also an excellent place to see all the elements that define Tel Aviv’s character: the beach, the food, the shops and the people.

Old Jaffa
Walk south along Tel Aviv’s beach and you’ll find yourself in the ancient stone alleyways of Old Jaffa, where art galleries, mosques and even a synagogue are hidden among its narrow streets. From dining on freshly caught fish in restaurants where you’re liable to be sprayed by the Mediterranean surf to watching the sun set from atop the city’s stone walls, Jaffa provides a historic counterpoint to the ultra-modern skyscrapers of neighboring Tel Aviv.

Museums
Three must-sees are the Tel Aviv Museum of Modern Art, the Land of Israel Museum and the Diaspora Museum on the campus of Tel Aviv University. Together they encapsulate the different forces at work in the Jewish state. But don’t miss Tel Aviv’s smaller museums, from the Jabotinsky Museum on King George Street to Independence Hall on historic Rothschild Boulevard, where David Ben-Gurion proclaimed the independence of the new State of Israel on May 14, 1948.

Yarkon Park and the Yarkon River
This thousand-acre urban park is Tel Aviv’s place of recreation and outdoor concerts. It includes sports facilities, botanical gardens, a small zoo and several artificial lakes. The last leg of the Yarkon River runs through the park, attracting bikers and joggers to the riverbank. The Luna Park amusement park is opposite the park.

Kikar Hamedina
The shops around this relatively spare public square is where Israel’s wealthiest set do their shopping. Lined with designer stores, it’s a far cry from the city’s early days as an austere, socialist-minded city. The best time to visit is during the day; at night it empties out.

Rabin Square
Tel Aviv’s main public square is a gathering place for rallies, protests and demonstrations, and the site where, on a November night in 1995, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated after addressing a massive peace rally. The site of Rabin’s killing has become a shrine to the slain prime minister, and an exhibition at the site shows exactly how he was shot.

Sheinkin Street and Rothschild Boulevard
Sheinkin Street in central Tel Aviv is bustling with trendy cafes, boutique clothing shops and an outdoor market, Souk HaCarmel, where you can buy everything from used clothing to Turkish desserts. Not far away, tree-lined Rothschild Boulevard offers a slice of life in the city. In the garden that divides the avenue, yuppies walk their dogs, hipsters eat at tiny cafes and fruit stands, the elderly sit on park benches and strangers strike up conversations with each other.

Azrieli Towers
It’s not quite the Empire State Building, but the view from the Azrieli observatory atop the Azrieli Towers (three and counting) offers a unique, bird’s-eye view of this UNESCO World Heritage city and the surrounding areas. You’ll see at once how big Tel Aviv is and how small Israel is, with the Samarian hills visible in the distance. Azrieli also puts you right in the heart of modern Tel Aviv, flanked by skyscrapers and Ramat Gan’s diamond exchange on one side and Tel Aviv’s army base and Defense Ministry headquarters on the other. At the bottom of the towers is a large shopping mall; the top features a good restaurant.

Related Articles
Tel Aviv: From Hebrew City to International Destination
Old-Timers Recall the Early Days in Tel Aviv

Tel Aviv Then and Now Read More »

Early Signs: Netanyahu Shakes Things Up

As the new Netanyahu government gets rolling, the early signs are that there will be significant changes in foreign policy. The Likud leader has strongly signaled that he intends to be more proactive in dealing with the Iranian nuclear threat and has withdrawn his predecessor’s commitments to a two-state solution with the Palestinians and a pullback from the Golan Heights in return for peace with Syria.

At the end of March, in his first policy speech in the Knesset, Netanyahu put preventing Iran from producing a nuclear bomb at the top of the new government’s agenda. “It is a mark of shame on humanity that several decades after the Holocaust the world’s response to calls by Iran’s leader to destroy the state of Israel is feeble … almost dismissed as if routine,” he declared. “However, the Jewish people have learned their lesson. We cannot afford to take lightly megalomaniac tyrants who threaten to annihilate us.”

Indeed, for Netanyahu, preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons is almost a sacred mission. He sees a nuclear bomb in the hands of radical Islamists dedicated to Israel’s destruction as an existential threat and speaks in terms of preventing a second Holocaust. In public, he says it doesn’t matter how Iran is stopped, but privately admits he has little faith in diplomacy or sanctions. Confidants say he sees himself as a key player in Jewish history charged at a crucial hour with the responsibility of saving his people. Some contend that, as a result, he has already made up his mind to use force to set the Iranian nuclear program back several years.

Others in his inner circle, however, expect him to be far more cautious, pointing out that he would not have undivided backing from the defense establishment for a strike. On the contrary, some senior military officials argue that taking out key Iranian nuclear facilities is not something Israel should contemplate doing on its own. For one, they argue, an Israeli attack on Iran would almost certainly spark a major war with Tehran and its proxies, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and possibly Syria as well. Even more importantly, the officials say, Israel would be ill advised to act without an American green light.

Obviously, Netanyahu would prefer the Americans to do the job themselves. “The Obama presidency has two great missions: fixing the economy, and preventing Iran from gaining nuclear weapons,” he told The Atlantic in a late March interview. The Iranian nuclear challenge, he said, constituted a “hinge of history” and he added that “Western civilization” will have failed if Iran is allowed to go nuclear. The $64,000 question, though, is whether, if the United States fails to take effective action, Netanyahu will.

Alon Pinkas, a former Israeli consul general in New York who has been advising Netanyahu on U.S.-related issues, is convinced the prime minister will not want to act alone, and will seek maximum cooperation and coordination with the Americans. So much so that Pinkas thinks the Obama administration might use Israeli concerns about Iran as a lever to press Israel on the Palestinian track. “I think the Americans may well try to link the level of cooperation on Iran to progress with the Palestinians,” he said in an interview.

The second major foreign policy issue on Netanyahu’s desk is how to deal with his predecessor’s peacemaking efforts with the Arab world, especially Syria and the Palestinians. Outgoing Prime Minister Ehud Olmert claims he was on the verge of direct negotiations with the Syrians and close to a final peace deal with the Palestinians. Early indications are that Netanyahu will want to restart both tracks from scratch.

According to Pinkas, Netanyahu’s attitude toward negotiations with Syria will depend in the first instance on the outcome of the Obama administration’s current feelers to Damascus. Both Israel and the United States are well aware of the strategic advantage of detaching Syria from the Iranian axis as part of a peace deal with Israel, but so far Netanyahu seems unwilling to pay the price — complete Israeli withdrawal from the strategic Golan Heights. Netanyahu’s hawkish Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman put it bluntly: Israel, he said, was prepared to discuss “peace in return for peace.” For Syria’s President Bashar Assad, continued insistence on an Israeli presence on the Golan would almost certainly preclude even an initial engagement. Nevertheless, despite the heavy ideological baggage, pundits believe Netanyahu may well make a Syria move — especially if talks with the Palestinians are deadlocked and if Obama presses for dialogue with Damascus in the overall Iranian context. At the very least, it would be a way of gaining points in the international arena.

On the Palestinian track, Netanyahu hopes to launch an initiative for what he calls “economic peace,” creating conditions for a political settlement through intensive economic development of the West Bank. “We do not wish to rule another people. We do not want to rule the Palestinians…. Under the permanent-status agreement, the Palestinians will have all the authority they need to rule themselves,” Netanyahu declared in the Knesset, promising a bona fide negotiation for a final peace deal on three parallel tracks — economic, security and diplomatic — but stopping short of commitment to the two-state model accepted by previous Israeli governments, the Palestinian Authority and the international community.

Netanyahu argues that he is not offering the Palestinians any less than previous prime ministers, only that he is being more honest about what is actually on the table. “He believes that most Israeli negotiators who dealt with this issue, after making the concession on Palestinian statehood up front, began subtracting powers in the course of the negotiations, like the airspace, the armed forces or the right to make treaties with neighboring countries, such as Iran. So the new prime minister is being intellectually honest when he says look, I want to tell you, these are our concerns,” a member of Netanyahu’s inner circle said.

Explaining such delicate nuances, however, could be much harder in the face of Foreign Minister Lieberman’s bellicosity toward the rest of the Arab world. “If you want peace, prepare for war,” the hawkish Yisrael Beiteinu leader declared on his first day in office, triggering a wave of Arab protest, especially in Egypt, where there is a move to have him declared persona non grata.

In his first speech as foreign minister, Lieberman sounded a more conciliatory tone on Egypt than he has in the past, saying, “Egypt is definitely an important country in the Arab world, a stabilizing factor in the regional system and perhaps even beyond that, and I certainly view it as an important partner.” Lieberman drew headlines by insisting that Israel was not bound by any understandings reached at the U.S.-Israeli-Palestinian summit held in Annapolis, Md., in 2007, but was committed to the “road map” plan; in other words, Israel remains obligated to hold talks on the creation of a Palestinian state, but only after other issues, including terrorism, are addressed.

Lieberman continues to draw strong criticism from the Israeli left. Dovish Meretz leader Haim Oron accuses him of courting disaster by deliberately turning his back on the Palestinians and the wider Arab world. In the first instance, Oron argues, this will unify the Palestinians and enable them to mobilize international support against Israel. Then a long stalemate could eventually erupt in Palestinian violence with a degree of international backing and maybe wider Arab involvement. “I do not share the illusion that the peace treaty with Egypt will withstand any crisis,” he warns. In Oron’s view, all this adds up to a threat at least as serious as the Iranian bomb.

“Lieberman is closing all the doors to the Arab world, and I don’t know of anything more dangerous for Israel’s future,” he said.

Lieberman counters that it is those pressing the same diplomatic approaches who are endangering Israel. “Does anyone think that concessions and constantly saying ‘I am prepared to concede,’ and using the word ‘peace’ will lead to anything?” Lieberman said. “No, that will just invite pressure, and more and more wars.”

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Obama Faith-based Office Has Specific Goals

The Obama administration’s Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships wants to work with religious and community groups to achieve goals in four specific areas.

Joshua DuBois, executive director of the office, said the goal of the Bush administration’s faith-based office to “level the playing field” for faith-based organizations when bidding for government grants was important, but that the new president’s goal was to utilize the knowledge and expertise of religious and community organizations to achieve particular policy goals. Those priorities include addressing domestic poverty and contributing to the economic recovery, promoting responsible fatherhood, reducing unintended pregnancies and the need for abortion, and enhancing interreligious dialogue and cooperation. He also emphasized that the administration wanted a “policy-based partnership,” and that the office does not have a political or advocacy-based agenda.

DuBois spoke at a Monday afternoon briefing for about 50 leaders of religious and community-based organizations, including most of the 25 members of the new Advisory Council on Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships. The briefing was scheduled to continue all day Tuesday and included sessions with a variety of administration officials working on issues such as education, urban affairs and the budget.

DuBois noted that despite the beliefs of many to the contrary, the faith-based office does not distribute grant money, although it could provide “technical assistance” to groups who were interested in applying for such grants from government agencies.

The most contentious legal issue is whether faith-based groups receiving federal funds should be able to take religion into account when hiring, which groups were allowed to do during the Bush administration. When Obama established the faith-based office in February, a legal review was in put in place but no decision was made on the employment issue.

Schindler’s List Unearthed at Australian Library
Sydney’s Jewish Museum and descendants of survivors saved by Oskar Schindler are angry that a carbon copy of his famous list was sold to the State Library of New South Wales.

The German industrialist’s list of more than 800 Jews — described by the library as “one of the most powerful documents of the 20th century” — was given to Australian author Thomas Keneally in 1980 by Leopold Pfefferberg, a Schindler survivor living in Los Angeles. It prompted Keneally to write his Booker Prize-winning work, “Schindler’s Ark,” which spawned Steven Spielberg’s Oscar-winning film, “Schindler’s List.”

The library said this week it paid an undisclosed sum to a dealer for Keneally’s manuscript material in 1996. But the document had been languishing in the bowels of the library for 13 years until it was recently discovered by a researcher.

The Sydney Jewish Museum and others related to the Schindler story were disappointed the list was sold to the library. Museum president John Landerer told J-Wire, a local Jewish Web site, “I can only express disappointment that he [Keneally] chose to dispose of such a precious document this way.”

The 13 pages of yellowed paper listing the names of Jews saved from the Nazis was scheduled to go display at the library on Tuesday.

Pentagon Studying 2006 Lebanon War
The U.S. Defense Department is studying the 2006 Lebanon War to prepare itself for future conflicts.

The month-long war is garnering attention because it bears on a debate between military leaders in the United States, some of whom want to change the military so it is better prepared for unconventional conflicts like Iraq and Afghanistan, and others who believe that kind of preparation would be at the expense of more conventional warfare, the Washington Post reported Monday.

Hezbollah fought a reasonably conventional war against Israel, destroying many Israeli armor columns using sophisticated anti-tank guided missiles, and fought ground battles with Israeli troops lasting up to 12 hours. Hezbollah also eavesdropped on Israeli communications and used a cruise missile to strike an Israeli ship.

The Defense Department has sent about a dozen teams to interview Israeli officers who fought against Hezbollah, according to the Post. In addition, the Army and Marine Corps have run several multimillion-dollar war games to test how U.S. forces would perform in a similar situation.

Brooklyn DA to Combat Orthodox Sex Abuse
The Brooklyn district attorney launched a project to combat sex abuse in the Orthodox community.

Dubbed Project Kol Tzedek, Hebrew for Voice of Justice, the effort was announced at an April 1 news conference by Charles Hynes.

The effort, in partnership with a number of local Jewish organizations, will include a confidential hotline and outreach to yeshivas and synagogues.

Hynes has come under fire in the past for not responding adequately to allegations of sexual abuse in the Orthodox communities of Brooklyn. Though some, including former critics of the district attorney, welcomed the new effort, some rabbis remained dubious.

“I don’t trust the DA to do the right thing,” Rabbi Meir Fund of Flatbush, one of the target neighborhoods set to receive heightened attention from the district attorney’s office, told the New York Daily News. “These people are corrupt. If he was sincere he would have done something 20 years ago.”

Mubarak Invites Netanyahu to Meet
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak invited Israel’s new prime minister to a meeting at Sharm el-Sheikh.

Mubarak and Benjamin Netanyahu spoke by phone Monday evening. Mubarak congratulated Netanyahu on forming a government, according to the Prime Minister’s Office. The leaders reportedly also discussed the countries’ good bilateral relations, and promised to continue and strengthen them. 

Netanyahu called the peace between Israel and Egypt “of supreme importance.”

No date was set for the proposed meeting.

Egypt has said it will boycott Netanyahu’s foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, unless he apologizes for past statements, including that Mubarak “can go to hell” if he does not visit the Jewish State.

Briefs courtesy Jewish Telegraphic Agency

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