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April 27, 2007

The Next Conversation

Can a conversation inspire a city? A people?

Nextbook, an organization devoted to Jewish literature, culture and ideas (www.nextbook.org) came to L.A. last weekend, staging a full day festival at UCLA’s MacGowan and Freud theaters called “Acting Jewish: Film, TV, Comedy, Music,” the first of what it hopes to be an annual event.

According to Nextbook Director Julie Sandorf, the notion of an L.A. festival was inspired by Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright, filmmaker and author David Mamet, whose book, “The Wicked Son,” Nextbook published with Shocken. The festival’s purpose, Nextbook Program Director Matthew Brogan declared, was to bring “together writers, actors, directors, and musicians to talk about the imaginary Jews of popular culture and their real life counterparts.”

Mamet agreed to participate in the event, in a conversation on the subject of “Make Believe Jews,” in the words of the event’s program, “about how Hollywood has treated the Jews and his own attempts to create a different kind of onscreen Jewish character.”

Mamet’s interlocutor was none other than yours truly.

I must now disclose that I was paid an honorarium for the pleasure and the challenge of doing so (they actually handed me a check when I walked off stage!); and that for the occasion I purchased a new jacket at Sean, my favorite men’s store (I didn’t need to disclose that part; I just wanted to).

Sandorf introduced me as “a great friend of Nextbook,” which is a compliment I accept. Such is my bias to take into account as I share my subjective impressions of the event.

On Saturday evening, Los Angeles Times film critic Kenneth Turan hosted a screening of two silent films. First was D. W. Griffith’s 1910 short “A Child of the Ghetto,” which featured footage shot on New York’s Lower East Side. It was akin to traveling in a time machine to see the bustling activity of families and street peddlers on Rivington Street (today’s equivalent would be walking down Alvarado Street in Los Angeles toward Langer’s Deli, where the vibrant ethnic community is Latin rather than Eastern European Jews); followed by “East and West,” a 1923 Yiddish film starring a young Molly Picon that established the pixy-ish qualities that would, in a few years, make Picon the highest paid Yiddish actress in the world.

Sunday, Nextbook presented eight different panels on film, TV, Hollywood novels, food, and music including such diverse presenters and topics as Bruce Jay Friedman, Bruce Wagner and Ella Taylor on the Hollywood novel; Frank London, Jewlia Eisenberg and Josh Kun talking Jewish music; and Jonahan Gold, Leslie Brenner, Evan Kleiman and Jeffrey Shandler discussing food and film. The panels overlapped and intersected and, like any festival, there was always the risk that you were missing something interesting happening somewhere else.

For example, while I was on stage with Mamet, Turan was in another hall sharing the exuberant ethnically Jewish pre-code film comedies of Max Davidson- a presentation I would have been eager to attend. Similarly, I missed seeing my friend, journalist David Margolick, participate in the panel on “Jewish Stardom,” which also included USC professor Leo Braudy (one of the most knowledgeable film experts around); artist, essayist and self-proclaimed Jew-ologist Rhonda Lieberman; and the very learned and entertaining Jeffrey Shandler, who co-authored with Jim Hoberman the excellent and essential “Entertaining America: Jews, Movies and Broadcasting” — all because I rushed to hear Adam Gopnik talk about Jewish comedy.

Gopnik was, much like his essays in the New Yorker, erudite, charming and polished. He revealed that he arrived in New York in 1979 hoping to be a stand-up comic, or a songwriter — and it is safe to say that he has become a literary tummler, heir to a tradition of reporting and performance, part Robert Benchley, part Calvin Trillin. As for my conversation with David Mamet, I have little recollection of what was said (my mind always goes blank the minute I leave the stage), but I’ve been told a podcast will be available soon from Nextbook.

My friends and family report that the conversation covered a full spectrum of Jews on film, from Mamet’s own childhood performances for the Chicago Board of Rabbis, to the Yiddish Theater in Odessa, the Group Theater in New York, “The Jazz Singer,” “Exodus,” movies about the Holocaust, and Jewish characters Mamet has created, including a recent episode of “The Unit” called “Two Coins” that took place in Israel.

I’ve been told that often the most important information in a psychoanalytic session is revealed in the last few minutes, just as we often put the most important info into the P.S. of a communication. One of the highlights of Mamet’s appearance for me came in a follow-up question from the audience when Mamet told, or more correctly in the parlance of Hollywood, pitched the assembled listeners a story involving both an Israeli fighter pilot and tales from Rabbi Isaac Luria that he hopes to write and direct.

But that was just my panel. I spent the rest of the day bouncing among the presentations. Here are some things that struck me:

* Nextbook’s Sara Ivry hosted a panel of young actors whom she ably cajoled into some trenchant revelations. Actor Adam Goldberg (“Saving Private Ryan”), whose mother is not Jewish, related it wasn’t until he was auditioning for film roles in L.A. that he found himself being typecast for Jewish parts, while being told he’s “too Jewish” for other parts. By contrast, in TV, Goldberg explained, he is rarely cast as someone identified as a “Jew.” Laura Silverman, who plays Sarah Silverman’s sister on her TV program (and is her sister), said that she often goes up for Jewish parts, which are then awarded to actresses of Latin or Italian heritage, but when she goes up for parts that are Italian or non-Jewish, she is always dismissed as “Jewish.” Both actors said they believe parts should be cast free from any ethnic consideration — but wish they also got the benefit of such “blind” casting. Both said they had, at one point, considered changing their names.
* Meital Dohan, an Israeli-born actress who appears in “Weeds” as Yael Hoffman, said that most casting directors thought her name “exotic” rather than Hebrew and wanted to cast her as Russian more than Jewish.
* In his presentation, Adam Gopnik traced three generations of humor from Henny Youngman (his grandfather’s era) to Woody Allen (his father’s time) to Seinfeld (his own era). But he felt that he had reached a point where he could understand the humor of, but not always laugh at, the outrageous comedy his children enjoy from such current performers as Sarah Silverman and Sascha Baron Cohen (which is the way I feel about such animated fare as “The Simpsons,” “South Park” and “Family Guy” — I get what’s funny, it even makes me laugh sometimes, but as humor it’s just not for me).
* Bruce Jay Friedman revealed that the older he gets, the more Jewish he has become. He explained that when he was younger and wrote his novels and stories, such as “The Heartbreak Kid,” although audiences thought of them as Jewish, he viewed them as about characters caught in predicaments.
* Bruce Wagner was funny, intelligent, perceptive, deep and heartfelt — reminding me that whenever I hear Wagner speak, I am always struck by the fact that this man who at times looks like Max Schreck on a break from shooting Nosferatu and who has written novels filled with toxic levels of anomie, is in person warm, considerate, thoughtful, and passionate about what he is attempting to achieve in his novels.
* Evan Kleinman hosted a panel on food and film with L.A. Weekly’s Jonathan Gold, the just-named Pulitzer Prize winner, Leslie Brenner, food editor of the Los Angeles Times, and Jeffrey Shandler, in which they all pondered why there was no Jewish American film equivalent of foreign films celebrating food such as “Eat Man, Drink, Woman,” “Like Water for Chocolate” or even “La Grande Bouffe.” Good question — with no definitive answer except to say that the Jewish experience of food is connected to guilt, family and sex. Accordingly, they screened memorable dinner scenes from films and TV programs such as “Annie Hall” and “Sex and the City.”
* Finally, hipsters Frank London of Klezmatics fame, Jewlia Eisenberg (yes — that’s how she spells her first name) of Charming Hostess and Josh Kun, whom you may know from the recent “Jewface” CD and who has recently joined the faculty of USC’s Annenberg School for Communication, at one point took their audience on a musical journey through time and space, playing music by Jewish artists from all over the Levant and explaining the specific meaning of certain notes and scales in a manner that made you realize the sacred and hypnotic power of music.

The day after the event, questions popped into my head: Was the conference too academic or intellectual? A case of too many panelists talking about movies, music and books, rather than seeing (or listening to) writers and artists performing their work? Was the audience, the majority of whom were over 40, too old? What does it take to get people 30 and under to attend? How many attendees does it take to make a festival successful? Worth repeating? Does Los Angeles need a festival of Jewish culture? What does it accomplish?

I know the questions are worth asking, but I’m not sure the answers matter. Particularly given that the traditional Jewish answer to the question, “Does it help?” is: “It doesn’t hurt.”

What impressed me, overall, is how collegial the event was. There were near 500 attendees throughout the course of the day, and people fell into conversation with each other, as if shared interests were introduction enough. This held true for presenters as well as audience members. Lunch was available on the courtyard in front of the theaters and in the Murphy Sculpture Garden, and as a klezmer band played, a large crowd of people, many of whom did not know each other, sat down in various groupings together, and each joined in their own conversations. It was, to this observer, a rare moment — one that doesn’t happen in Los Angeles enough.

L.A. is a city of kindred souls waiting to find each other. To the extent that Nextbook can stage an event that gets people to engage, to be entertained, to learn about Jewish artists, writers, musicians, performers and movies they never knew about, or to revisit or reconsider them — they are fulfilling their mission. The conversations they inspire can bind us, sustain us, fulfill us; but most important, they create a hunger for more, for the next conversation.

Tom Teicholz is a film producer in Los Angeles. Everywhere else, he’s an author and journalist who has written for The New York Times Sunday Magazine, Interview and The Forward. His column appears every other week.

The Next Conversation Read More »

Arab lawmaker quits Knesset as probe begins

Israeli Arab lawmaker Azmi Bishara has abruptly ended a parliamentary career built on denouncing the Jewish state from enemy capitals and then dodging charges of sedition at home.

After weeks spent abroad on what he called routine travels, Bishara turned up at the Israeli Embassy in Cairo on April 22 to submit a letter of resignation to the Knesset.

The move followed an announcement by the Israeli police that Bishara, who heads the predominantly Arab party Balad, was under investigation for allegations that could not be published due to a court-issued gag order that was extended to Wednesday.

Bishara, 50, has denied wrongdoing but made clear he is in no hurry to face the probe.

“I decided to tender my resignation today, after leaving the country, because I know that I would not have been able to leave the country for three years, the time it would take the court cases and investigations,” he told Al-Jazeera.

“Exile is not an option. Return is definite, but the matter will take some time and arrangements,” said Bishara, a Christian from the religiously mixed town of Nazareth.

For many mainstream Israelis, it was goodbye and good riddance. In an Israeli Arab leadership increasingly considered disloyal among the Jewish majority, Bishara stood out for his especially provocative antics.

He visited Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon to voice outrage at Israel’s military offensive last year. He met with Syrian President Bashar Assad as well as radical Palestinian leaders, always ready to praise the ethos of armed “resistance” against Israel.

Bishara overcame repeated attempts to have him tried for fraternizing with Israel’s enemies, invoking his parliamentary immunity from prosecution. This enraged rightist Israelis, who warned of a “fifth column” among the country’s Arab minority.

Some moderate Israeli Arabs also sought to distance themselves from Bishara, so astounded by his temerity as to suggest it was all an elaborate cover for a role as an Israeli spy or covert diplomat.

“The definition of Knesset member Bishara as a ‘collaborator’ is one of the ways to explain the behavior, conduct and statements of this man, in oratory and in writing,” Alex Fishman wrote in Yediot Achronot. “He has stretched all the ropes to the breaking point, tested the limits of the tolerance of Israeli democracy, and each time succeeded in establishing a new limit.”

Balad, which holds three of the Knesset’s 120 seats, calls for Israel to abandon Zionism and become a “state of all its citizens.” That is out of the question for most Israelis, who want the country to remain a democratic Jewish homeland.

News of Bishara’s departure and rumors of his legal worries, which may involve charges from the counter-terrorism and counter-espionage Shin Bet agency, was greeted with regret in some corner of the Israeli intelligentsia.

There was empathy and even admiration for the scintillating intellectual, who speaks four languages, including a Hebrew more erudite than that of many Jewish Israelis.

One veteran commentator, Yaron London, saw in Bishara a sort of latter-day version of the Diaspora’s old political mavericks — the revolutionaries and utopianists.

“I once said to Azmi Bishara that he is more Jewish than I,” London said. “The heart of a Jew, even one who lives among Jews in their state, is the heart of a minority figure, but a Christian Arab who is a citizen of the Jewish state is an island within an island, a minority within a minority.”

“Bishara, a brilliant and arrogant intellectual, bossy and stormy, charming and easily offended, has no time to waste. He realized that the Jews would not accept his vision unless they were greatly weakened — and therefore they must be weakened.”

Arab lawmaker quits Knesset as probe begins Read More »

Seeking Holiness

Oh, deep in my heart
I do believe
That we shall overcome, someday!

Those lyrics, known for inspiring so many movements for justice and righteousness, are at the core of what I am thinking about these days. Is it truly possible to overcome?

From what great wellspring did this vision surge forth? In many ways, it came from the second half of this week’s Torah portion, Acharei Mot-Kedoshim.

Kedoshim is a lofty and powerful parsha, known as the holiness code, which the Talmud and Midrash understood to be rav gufei Torah, or encompassing the majority of the Torah, namely that this chapter is a summation of the entire Torah itself.

“And God spoke to Moshe saying: Speak to all of the children of Israel, saying to them, ‘You shall be holy, for I, the Great Holy One am holy'” (Leviticus 19:1-2).

For one of the greatest statements that God lays upon us, it is really not clear from these words alone exactly what we are supposed to do. How should we be holy? What can we do to imitate You, God, in order to emulate Your holiness?

However, what is clear at the outset is that we cannot be fully holy alone as individuals, but rather we must seek this goal as a community. That is why the Hebrew is in the plural, kedoshim t’heyu, you (plural) shall be holy. Holiness is not something that can be fully realized alone.

Nor is holiness an easily defined concept. However, the verses that follow instruct us as to what God thinks holiness is all about. Some of the highlights are that we should care for the poor, leave the corners of our fields for the needy and the stranger, not withhold the wages of a laborer until morning and not stand idly by the blood of our neighbor.

Next come some of the most challenging words of the Torah, which tell us that we should not hate our brother or sister in our hearts, even as we must rebuke each other for wrongs committed; not take vengeance or bear a grudge, and love our neighbor as ourselves. Wow, is that a daunting task!

The great commentator Rashi understood holiness to be “separating oneself” from sexual immorality, and the precepts that follow the call to be holy often involve separating oneself in some way.

In a broader context, kedusha, holiness, can be about separating ourselves from the many forms of immorality that we face — injustice, inequity, violence, ethnocentrism. The irony of kedusha is that while it sets one thing apart from another, the experience actually can serve to unify us.

As Martin Buber elucidated on this parsha, “God is the absolute authority over the world, because God is separate from it and transcends it, but God is not withdrawn from it. Israel must, in imitating God by being a holy nation, similarly not withdraw from the world of the nations, but rather radiate a positive influence on them through every aspect of Jewish living.”

That is why Jews have always been strong proponents of social justice, and that is why, thankfully, we continue to be leaders in the cause of righteousness and justice for all people, not just our own.

I love this parsha because it reminds me of what we should all be striving for and what it will take to truly overcome. When I am criticized for being “too political” in my sermons or divrei Torah, it is this parsha that strengthens me in the face of that criticism.

Overcoming disparities in health care is not political, it is holy; overcoming war, genocide, hatred and vengeance is not political, it is holy; fighting for economic justice or immigration reform is not political, it is holy; greening our world is not political, it is holy.

Love and compassion for the other, be they gay or straight; Jewish, Christian, Muslim or any religion; be they white, black or any race; male or female; young or old; rich or poor; Israeli or Palestinian — love and compassion for the other is not political. This love is holy; it is how we emulate God’s holiness, and it is taught to us directly in the Torah.

It is only as a community — local, national and global — that we can achieve these amazing goals; it is only as a plurality that we can overcome. When we wonder what needs to be done to make a world of our dreams, a world that some call the messianic time, we can look to this chapter of Torah for the first steps.

May the words of Kedoshim inspire each of us to live holy lives and find ways to imitate God by shining light and hope onto the dark corners of pain and suffering in our world. For the sake of our children, deep within my heart, I do believe we shall overcome someday. Amen.

Rabbi Joshua Levine Grater is the spiritual leader of the Pasadena Jewish Temple & Center. He serves on the executive committee and is the social action chair for the Board of Rabbis of Southern California; is chair of Brit Tzedek v’Shalom’s Los Angeles chapter is and co-founder of an emerging group called Jews Against the War. He can be reached at rabbijoshua@pjtc.net.

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Briefs: Olmert; Katsav; Israel population hits 7.15 million; Neo-Nazis protest March of the Living

Olmert: We Won’t Repeat Swap Mistakes

On Israel’s Memorial Day, Ehud Olmert vowed not to repeat past mistakes in obtaining the release of captured Israeli soldiers. At a memorial service Monday for victims of terrorism, the Israeli prime minister said that “in the range of heavy and agonizing considerations involved there is, of course, an honorable place for consideration of your feelings and those of the bereaved families.”

Olmert did not specify the release of terrorists in previous prisoner swaps, but vowed “never to repeat the mistakes made in the past, the result of which was an increase in terrorism and the return of released terrorists to acts of terror which took the lives of many Israeli citizens.”

Earlier, at Mount Herzl in Jerusalem, Olmert promised the families of fallen soldiers that he would do everything possible to obtain the release of soldiers Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev, taken by Hezbollah in July, and Gilad Shalit, kidnapped by Palestinian gunmen in June.

“We will take advantage of every chance, we will be prepared for far-reaching compromises, and even for very painful concessions, as long as our vital and existential interests are safeguarded, in order to fulfill our burning ambition for peace,” he said.

On Monday morning, Israelis stood silent as sirens wailed throughout the country for two minutes to mark Yom HaZikaron. Memorial Day ends Monday evening with a torch-lighting ceremony on Mount Herzl, followed by Independence Day celebrations.

Katsav Denied Early Access to Materials

Israel’s High Court of Justice denied Moshe Katsav’s petition to obtain early access to materials on his sexual misconduct case. Ha’aretz reported that the suspended Israeli president had requested the materials from the investigation leading up to a May hearing in which he will defend himself against allegations including rape.

After the hearing, Attorney General Menachem Mazuz will decide whether to indict Katsav. Justices Dorit Beinisch, Miriam Naor and Esther Hayut ruled that “the right to view investigative material takes effect once an indictment is filed. We do not accept the petitioner’s argument that one who requests a hearing has the right to view investigative material to the last detail,” Ha’aretz reported.

Katsav was suspended from his presidency after the scandal broke. He is immune from prosecution while he holds office, but has vowed to step down if indicted.

Israeli Population Hits 7.15 Million

Israel’s population rose 1.8 percent in the past 12 months to 7.15 million, the Central Bureau of Statistics reported. The increase was attributed mainly to a high birthrate. Some 148,000 babies were born in 2006, and 18,400 immigrants arrived. Israel’s 5,415,000 Jews, and 310,000 “others” — primarily Russians and Ethiopians who made aliyah but aren’t halachically Jewish — make up nearly 80 percent of the population.

Some 1.42 million Arab and Druse citizens comprise the remaining 20 percent of the population. When the Jewish state was established in 1948, there were 806,000 residents. A third of them are still living in the country. The bureau released the data ahead of Independence Day, which begins Monday evening.

Neo-Nazis Protest March of the Living

Neo-Nazi demonstrators protested the March of the Living in Krakow, according to a Jewish organization. During the March of the Living, 200 people participated in an April 14 march staged by the far-right National Radical Camp, a tiny extremist group. The participants held “Heil Hitler” signs and shouted “This is Poland, not Israel,” “Poland is a saintly thing” and “Jews out of Poland,” according to the Warsaw-based Foundation for the Preservation of Jewish Heritage in Poland.

The demonstration in Krakow Market Square took place amid foreign tourists, including Israelis who were in Poland for the March of the Living, the foundation reported. The foundation complained that police did not stop the demonstration, despite the Nazi slogans, which are illegal in Poland. The demonstrators reportedly were outnumbered by 250 anti-racism protesters led by local nongovernmental organizations.

Vandals Paint Star of David on Lenin

On the eve of the 137th anniversary of Lenin’s birth, vandals painted a Star of David onto a large statue of the Soviet leader in southern Russia. Interfax news agency reported that Sunday’s incident took place in Rostov-on-Don. The perpetrators have not been found and the motive was unclear.

“Lenin’s hands on his monument in Gorky Park were covered with dye and a Star of David was painted on it,” a city official told Interfax. Lenin, who led the 1917 revolution that founded the Soviet Union, was of mixed Jewish descent, but he was baptized into the Russian Orthodox Church and was extremely hostile to organized religion in general, preaching a fierce atheism.

Lenin continues to enjoy substantial support in today’s Russia, ranking third in popularity among Russian leaders since 1917 in a 2006 poll by the ROMIR sociological service.

Briefs courtesy Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Briefs: Olmert; Katsav; Israel population hits 7.15 million; Neo-Nazis protest March of the Living Read More »

Tel Aviv trauma expert assists U.S. military

An Israeli professor studying the long-term effects of war on the soldiers who fight is now sharing her knowledge with United States counterparts in an attempt to provide better therapy for American servicemen and women returning home from the battlefields of Iraq.

During the last 20 years, Tel Aviv University professor Zahava Solomon has conducted research into the psychological consequences of war and terror. She recently returned from a conference in Florida — the second annual National Symposium on Combat Stress Injuries: Addressing the Challenges, Explaining the Solutions and Managing the Injuries — where she spoke about managing stress while still in combat.

“It’s important to understand the long-term consequences of war and to minimize [them],” Solomon said.

While people tend to perceive war as only taking place on the battlefield, according to Solomon, a professor of Psychiatric Epidemiology and Social Work and the Head of the Adler Research Center for Child Welfare and Protection, for many the effects linger long after the battle is over.

“The war does not end for a considerable portion of these individuals, and relatively high rates of combatants continue to suffer from post-traumatic stress syndrome (PTSD). They continue to experience the war in nightmares and flashbacks. We pretty much liken it to cancer of the soul,” she said.

Solomon’s research has revolutionized the way Israeli soldiers are treated in battle, suggesting that the best way to combat stress is to give immediate treatment while soldiers are still on the front lines.

“Our 20-year follow-up study has actually documented that if this very simple treatment is applied on time, then the consequences are very favorable and this relatively simple treatment can actually save years of agony and pain,” said Solomon. “The first study was published in The American Journal of Psychiatry in 1986, and it’s follow-up in 2005. It’s the only documented empirical study that has supported the doctrine that has been used by the American, British and all western armies.”

Solomon, who has published five books on psychic trauma-related issues, more than 200 articles and more than 50 book chapters, has received numerous international awards for her work in the field of PTSD and has been one of the few researchers worldwide to carry out long-term studies on the effects of combat on solders. She began her career as head of the research branch of the mental health corps of the Israel Defense Forces medical school, conducting her first studies of PTSD on soldiers during the first Lebanon War in 1982.
“Nobody anywhere has data sets where they follow individuals for 20 years, from the battlefields onwards,” she said. If we get enough funding, we will be able to do this for many years to come.”

Solomon’s research has focused on three different population groups: soldiers, Holocaust survivors, and former prisoners of war. The lessons Israel’s ‘natural laboratory’ provides offers valuable material for researchers, helping them discover new solutions to help treat those who suffer from PTSD and a range of other psychological illnesses.

According to Solomon, it’s easier to conduct studies on soldiers in Israel than in the United States, due to the concentrated population, smaller size, and a more global acceptance of soldiers. But despite a more welcoming environment in Israel, it has not always been easy for Solomon to get the soldiers to cooperate.

“When we started, it wasn’t much of an honor to be a traumatized soldier. Many of our initial interviewees were reluctant to participate,” she explains. “Despite the availability of benefits for soldiers, many of them went out of their way not to ask for help. In macho cultures, seeking help is seen as failure. Obviously, over time there’s been a major change in culture and the way Israeli society views these things. As a result, people go on interviews, reveal their stories and ask for compensation and help right away. Even more so, we’ve seen parents whose children had a psychotic breakthrough and now they want their children to be recognized. It’s a complete change of heart.”

Solomon’s U.S. counterparts have been surprised at the respectful way that Israeli society treats its soldiers, even those suffering from the aftereffects of battle or those who fought in unpopular wars, such as the first Lebanese war in the early 1980s, often described as “Israel’s Vietnam.”

Solomon is recognized as one of the world’s leading experts in combat trauma. She’s served as an adviser to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), a handbook published by the American Psychiatric Association and used by mental health professionals, which lists different categories of mental disorders.

Her personal background as a second-generation Holocaust survivor led her to this field.
“My mother spent her childhood in Auschwitz,” she said. “The issue of trauma has not just been an academic issue but also a real-life, personal thing,”

She first became involved in studying trauma and war as part of her military service.

“There, I became convinced that these individuals paid a heavy [price] for man’s proclivities to solve conflicts via war and aggression. It became clear that these individuals need to be seen and heard and their suffering has to be documented, and it’s become kind of a life mission.”

Tel Aviv trauma expert assists U.S. military Read More »

U.S. Jews enter debate on Armenian/Turkish history

U.S. Jews enter debate on Armenian/Turkish history Read More »

Israelis fear anti-Semitism imported from Russia

Ari Ackerman, a student from Switzerland, was walking home along the Tel Aviv beach after a late-night swim when he and a friend were jumped by a gang singing Nazi songs and displaying swastika tattoos.

The perpetrators, a group of Russian-speaking teenagers, eventually ran off. Ackerman and his friend, their faces bruised and bloodied, set off to the closest police station only to have their case shrugged off.

“Israel is a country that faces the same problems any other country faces,” Ackerman said, trying to make sense of what he experienced. “There is a phenomenon of neo-Nazism, even if it is fringe, but to acknowledge it is to go against the country’s own narrative.”

In recent years, sporadic acts of anti-Semitism have hit Israel, most of them carried out by disaffected immigrant youths from the former Soviet Union (FSU). Although the youths came to Israel under the Law of Return, they are among those who identify not as Jews but as ethnic Russians. Under Israel’s Law of Return, a cornerstone of Israel’s identity as a haven for all Jews, anyone with a Jewish parent or grandparent is permitted to immigrate and be granted citizenship.

Experts say the perpetrators of such acts feel rebuffed and marginalized by Israeli society, so they turn their furor into the same anti-Semitism with which they may have been tormented in their countries of birth.

Recent incidents occurred at a school in the Tel Aviv suburb of Bat Yam, where its mezuzahs were torn down and burned. About three months ago, a club for Russian-speaking immigrant veterans of World War II was desecrated with swastikas.

Zalman Gilichinsky, who immigrated to Israel from Moldova, started a center for victims of anti-Semitic attacks or harassment.

“Neo-Nazism is the same development they see in Russia and they transplant it here,” he said, referring to the youth.

Gilichinsky said he has been frustrated by what he sees as the relative lack of seriousness with which Israel has taken the issue.

Knesset hearings, however, have been held, and the Ministry of Immigrant Absorption says it is working to reach the type of disconnected young immigrants who might be drawn to committing such acts. Officials also stress that the numbers involved in such activities are very few and not at all representative of most young immigrants from the FSU.

Gilichinsky claims Israel is embarrassed by the issue, which he said stems from too many non-Jews being allowed into Israel under the Law of Return.

“Israel wants to maintain its image as a refuge from anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism, so they don’t want to publicize anything that would go against that image,” he said.

Gilichinsky said that according to the calls his center receives, there are almost daily incidents. They are exacerbated, he said, by connections forged online between young immigrants here and their counterparts in the FSU through neo-Nazi Web sites and chat rooms.

Arieh Turkiments, an immigrant from Vilna, is among those who contacted the organization after he was slapped in the face by another immigrant and cursed for being a Jew. He was standing outside a Jerusalem yeshiva, where he had been attending classes on Judaism.

“It is a terrible feeling here in the Land of Israel that we have to hear such insults,” Turkiments’ wife, Maria, said. “The reality is that it is sometimes worse being here than in the Diaspora.”

Maria Turkiments herself took issue with the Law of Return.

“It lets all sorts of people in who should not be here,” she said.

Avinoam Bar-Yosef, director-general of the Jewish People Policy Institute think tank, downplayed notions that Israel might be facing anything close to a phenomenon when it comes to imported anti-Semitism.

“It’s not really significant. This is a fringe issue,” Bar-Yosef said. “When you have major waves of aliyah, you are going to have members of families of Jews who are not Jewish.”
Part of the problem, he said, “comes from suffering the trauma of moving from one place to another.”

“It should be monitored and anti-Semitic acts should be dealt with everywhere, but it is not a real problem in Israel,” Bar-Yosef said, arguing that most immigrants from the FSU integrate well into Israeli society.

Sara Cohen, director of social services at the Ministry of Immigrant Absorption, said those youth at risk either do not see themselves as Jews or are not considered Jewish.

“These are youth with a confused identity,” Cohen said. “In Russia they are called Jews and in Israel they are called goyim. Part of the confusion over identity can lead them to feel disconnected.”

The ministry sponsors several programs to help immigrant youth at risk feel more integrated into Israeli society.

Roughly one-quarter of immigrants who have come to Israel since the major wave of immigration began from the FSU in the early 1990s are not considered Jewish according to halacha, or Jewish law. In Israel, only Orthodox conversions are considered valid.

Alex Selsky, a Jewish Agency for Israel spokesman for the Russian language media who emigrated from Russia in 1993, said if Israel accepted Reform and Conservative conversions, many more immigrants from the FSU would try to convert. He said Jewish education courses such as Nativ, sponsored jointly by the Jewish Agency and the army, are one way young immigrant soldiers from the FSU are forging a stronger connection to both Israel and their Jewish heritage.

David Zelventsky runs a museum at an immigrant club in Hadera about Jews who fought for the Red Army during World War II. He said much still needs to be done to tackle anti-Semitism around the world, including in Israel. It was hard for him to see the swastikas and slurs against Jews spray-painted on the center’s walls, but he was not necessarily surprised.

“I’ve seen many things in my lifetime,” said Zelventsky, whose father was a World War II veteran. “What I know is that it is too early to lay down arms in the battle against anti-Semitism.”

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Jews laud Boris Yeltsin’s legacy

Boris Yeltsin, Russia’s first popularly elected president, made a lasting impact on Russian Jewry, though his legacy included its share of controversy and tragic failures.

Russian Jewish leaders agree that the community should remember Yeltsin, who died Monday at age 76, primarily as the man who ended decades of state-sanctioned anti-Semitism in Russia.

“With Yeltsin’s passing, a page is closed for the Jewish community, that of revolutionary changes in the life of Soviet and Russian Jewry,” said Borukh Gorin, spokesman for the Federations of Jewish Communities, Russia’s largest Jewish group.

“Yeltsin was an important figure” for the Jewish community, said Mark Levin, executive director of NCSJ, a Washington-based group that works on behalf of Jews in the former Soviet Union.

“His opening of the country allowed for the development of Jewish communities throughout Russia. His willingness to create a more open, democratic country certainly had an impact on the Jewish community.”

Both of Russia’s chief rabbis offered their condolences Monday to Yeltsin’s wife, Naina, and daughter, Tatyana.

Mikhail Chlenov, who established Russia’s first legal Jewish group in the early years of Yeltsin’s rule, said Jews should remember Yeltsin as a great figure.

“It was his great achievement that the new Russia came to life without that evil called state anti-Semitism,” said Chlenov, president of the Va’ad of Russia.

Others credit Yeltsin for allowing Jewish life to develop freely in Russia to an extent that was hard to imagine even under his predecessor, Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev.

With American Jewish activists marking the 40th anniversary this year of the movement to free Soviet Jewry, it is notable that meaningful Jewish emigration began under Gorbachev, but it was Yeltsin who really opened the floodgates.

“While Gorbachev made freedom of emigration a reality for Soviet Jews, it was Yeltsin who made possible an unprecedented freedom of Jewish life in the country,” Gorin said. “Jewish schools and new synagogues were opened — it was he who made the impossible possible.”

Yeltsin was much criticized for economic policies that left millions of Russians below the poverty line, but he was the “ultimate Russian president with a very Russian character,” Gorin said. “It’s no exaggeration to say we were blessed to have Yeltsin as president.”

Another leading figure of the Russian Jewish renaissance during Yeltsin’s presidency noted the fundamental changes in civil liberties and economic freedom that Yeltsin helped establish in Russia — changes that ultimately benefited Jews.

“I won’t make a direct connection between Yeltsin’s rule and Jewish life in Russia unless we take into account the maxim that the more freedom there is, the better it is for Jews,” said Alexander Osovtsov, who served as executive vice president of the Russian Jewish Congress from 1996 to 2000.

But Yeltsin’s legacy also was filled with controversy.

“His resignation did not mean an immediate return of the things he demolished, but I cannot consider it accidental that during his rule, many people with anti-Semitic views came to power,” Osovtsov said.

Osovtsov noted in particular Boris Mironov, an anti-Semitic publicist now on trial for hate speech who served as press minister early in Yeltsin’s tenure.

“This only underscores the controversies of this gigantic figure,” said Osovtsov, who is now a liberal opposition activist.

At the same time, some observers said that controversial policies in the second half of Yeltsin’s presidency — such as the escalating war in Chechnya and his decision to appoint a successor rather than have one elected — paved the rise to power for Vladimir Putin and the slide back toward authoritarianism that has been associated with his rule.

Yet Osovtsov said Yeltsin’s legacy cannot be underestimated, since some of the fundamental changes associated with his reign — including the end of state-sponsored anti-Semitism — have continued long after he left the office.

Chlenov agreed that Yeltsin was a controversial and even tragic figure, which has become even more evident since he stepped down in December 1999 in favor of Putin.

Yeltsin successfully fought the predominance of communist ideology, but was unsuccessful in overcoming the influence of bureaucracy and powerful apparatchiks. Many of the negative trends in Russian political and public life since his resignation are a direct result of the unfinished struggle Yeltsin led, Chlenov said.

“These are these bureaucratic circles who are taking their revenge now,” Chlenov said.

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City Voice: Will condo threat inspire unity among seniors?

More than 25 years ago, Los Angeles’ senior Jewish renters joined with young progressives and persuaded a reluctant city government to adopt rent control.

With condos rapidly replacing apartment units, a new crisis in affordable rentals confronts Los Angeles. But is this generation of seniors, victims of a huge wave of condo conversions, ready for another fight?

The old rent-control campaign was a great one, providing us reporters with many features about older Jewish people teaming up with kids young enough to be their grandchildren. With rents rising, low-income tenants were threatened with eviction unless they paid up. Many Jews were among them.

Some of the same conditions exist today. There are about 600,000 rent-controlled units in Los Angeles, according to the Los Angeles Times, and they are giving way to condos at an alarming rate. About 12,000 apartments have been converted to condos or demolished — probably to make way for condominiums — since 2001. When condos come, renters are out.

It’s increasingly hard to find an apartment in Southern California. The Lusk Center for Real Estate at USC reported that almost 97 percent of apartments in Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside and San Bernardino counties are currently rented. In Los Angeles, the USC group predicted rent increases of 6 percent to 7 percent. The average monthly rent there at the end of last year was $1,416. And most Los Angeles residents are renters. Only 39 percent own homes, according to the Southern California Association of Non-Profit Housing.

With rent-controlled apartments going fast, the City Council this month offered some help to beleaguered renters. It passed an ordinance, which Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa signed this week, that would sharply raise the fees developers must pay tenants who are evicted when rent-controlled apartments are converted to condos.

Tenants who have lived in their apartments for less than five years would receive $6,810 –or $14,850 for those who are older, disabled or have families with minor children. Residents of more than five years would get $9,040 — or $17,080 for the elderly, disabled and families with minor children. The very poor, with incomes 80 percent or less of the region’s median income, would also get between $9,040 and $17,080.

On the surface, the payments seem substantial. But actually, the money is only a bridge until a renter finds a place in the dwindling number of rent-controlled apartments.

Condo conversion is hot in Jewish neighborhoods, beginning with Fairfax and Pico-Robertson, extending west to Palms and Venice and moving across the Santa Monica Mountains to Sherman Oaks and Valley Village. There, the success of the Orange Line transit system is prompting many landlords to sell their apartment buildings to condo developers or to convert the buildings themselves.

Elissa Barrett, director of Bet Tzedek’s Sydney M. Irmas Housing Conditions Project, told me that “we have a steady stream of refugees … seniors, disabled, families with dependent children” coming to the agency for help. She said they are “displaced by speculation,” just as others have been displaced by fire or earthquake.

“The issue stretches upward into the middle class,” said Larry Gross, who heads the Coalition for Economic Survival, one of several groups fighting the condo conversions. They are seeking a halt to conversions while the vacancy rate remains so low and a stop to evictions.

Gross has been in this fight for years. In the early 1970s, he joined with other activists in the Coalition for Economic Survival, an umbrella group that has protested rising bus fares, utility rate increases and high milk prices.

But, while their demonstrations were covered by the media, the protesters could not make an impact on policy until, as the Los Angeles Times’ Stephen Braun wrote at the time, ” skyrocketing rents that accompanied Los Angeles’ real estate speculation fever in the late 1970s gave the coalition a ready-made issue.”

Coalition membership grew and a substantial number of the new members were Jewish seniors afraid of eviction from their apartments. They were an important force in persuading a reluctant Los Angeles City Council to enact rent control in the 1970s.

The coalition turned its attention to West Hollywood, then an unincorporated area under the control of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. The area was filled with apartments — and Jewish seniors. They, too, were threatened with rising rents and evictions.

When the supervisors refused to impose rent control, Gross and the coalition led a successful fight for incorporation in 1984. The new city government approved a rent-stabilization ordinance.
I asked Gross if the current generation of older Jews could be similarly organized.

“It’s different now,” he said. Twenty years ago, the seniors faced immediate threats of eviction with no protection. They could be forced out with just 30 days notice. Now, the rent-control law protects them from the hasty evictions that fueled the old movement

Yet as the condo conversions roll on, Jewish renters are joining a coalition of labor unions, homeless advocates and community organizers working in poor Latino neighborhoods, such as Pico Union and Echo Park.

These neighborhoods, with their heavy population of nonvoting immigrants, don’t have much political power. But the addition of a Jewish presence extends the coalition into politically active areas with more clout.

“They [the Jews] have a history of fighting against oppression,” Gross said. “They are stalwarts of labor unions. They are the glue that holds together the tenant organizations.”

Until leaving the Los Angeles Times in 2001, Bill Boyarsky worked as a political correspondent, a Metro columnist for nine years and as city editor for three years. You can reach him at bw.boyarsky@verizon.net.

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Israel needs to rethink national security

Celebrations of Israel’s 59th year of independence may be overshadowed by the Winograd Commissions’ interim report on the political and military leadership’s conduct during the
Second Lebanon War last summer.

Personal conclusions notwithstanding, the report will expose an ill-structured government that is institutionally unfit to deal with Israel’s national security challenges. But that’s only part of the national security story of our 59th year.

In two other areas Israel has experienced painful disappointments recently. In Gaza, we don’t win, in spite of our absolute military superiority. In addition, the “Convergence Plan” for unilateral withdrawal from the West Bank was abandoned although it was the Olmert government’s political flagship.

Put together, these three events should be a source of serious concern.

A national security strategy involves leveraging a nation’s resources toward securing its existence, security and prosperity. Don’t Google ‘Israel’s national security strategy’ because you won’t find it. No official publication exists; the outlook has not been comprehensively formulated or articulated. Nonetheless, this strategy shapes and impacts countless statements, decisions and actions at all levels of Israeli government, and drives huge financial undertakings.

Some of its key principles are obvious to anyone who observes Israel — for example, maintaining military superiority over Israel’s neighbors, nurturing the country’s special relationship with the United States and preserving a state that is predominantly Jewish demographically.

In fact, the main points of the strategy are mostly shared by Israeli leaders on the left and the right and serve as an anchor for their policies, hence generating relative consistency in national politics.

However, faced with permanent adversity and exceptional regional volatility, tenets of our national security strategy are challenged and sometimes rendered irrelevant at a pace that’s unparalleled elsewhere. This means Israel is required to constantly revisit and update its political and military approach.

The Second Lebanon War showed that Israel’s primary national security challenges are gravitating from the “harder” security-military sphere to “softer” areas of diplomacy, politics, legitimacy and international law.

Continuous military friction along our borders notwithstanding, the logic of the Resistance Network — those groups in Israel, the region and around the world that deny Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state — is primarily political. This network wishes for Israel’s implosion through processes similar to those that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union and apartheid-era South Africa.

This logic of implosion is not yet a strategy, but it’s more than just a bubbling idea. It’s articulated most prominently by figures such as Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinijad.

Their approach has three legs. First, use terrorism and guerilla warfare to undermine any breakthrough toward securing and consolidating Israel’s existence as a Jewish and democratic state. Second, work to undermine the “two-state solution” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, while promoting an alternative “one-state solution” that’s tantamount to the abolition of Israel as a Jewish state. Third, challenge Jews’ fundamental right to self-determination and question the legitimacy of Israel’s Jewishness.

To date, they have been effective. The Oslo peace process of the 1990s has been derailed, and the unilateralist approach blocked. Israel, the West and Arab moderates have been left with no credible and viable political framework.

Israel’s path to ending its control over the Palestinian population and securing its Jewishness seems lost. Hence, while Israel perceives terrorism to have been contained at a level that doesn’t citizens’ daily existence, our enemies have leveraged terrorism into a strategic tool with potentially existential implications for us.

Furthermore, the vision of Israel’s implosion impacts our enemies’ approach toward the Palestinian issue. Some of them believe Israel’s “occupation” of the West Bank may actually be a blessing in disguise if it accelerates Israel’s collapse. That’s partly the reason why there is no effective pressure on Israel to withdraw.

One implication for Israel is that there is asymmetry between the emerging threats and our response, which places our national security at a strategic inferiority. Our chief adversaries’ organizing logic is primarily political, while Israel’s response is primarily military. Hence, the tools we use to secure acceptance and legitimacy for our Jewishness and democracy have proven less effective than the tools that the Resistance Network uses to undermine us.

The Winograd Commission may lead to structural reforms of profound significance. Some 40 other military commissions looked into other aspects of the Second Lebanon War, and conclusions have been reached and implemented. The Israel Defense Force is training, gearing up and getting ready for the next round.

But it’s not enough. The combination of the Second Lebanon War, the disappointment in Gaza and the cancellation of the “Convergence Plan” is more than a red light. No commission has been established to look at the substance of our national security strategy and to question the basic allocation of resources between military and diplomacy, and within them. Such a reassessment could lead to the conclusion that instead of another infantry battalion, we need 100 new diplomats and experts in international law.

If most of the public debate in the coming months focuses on personal findings, conclusions and recommendations, Israel may miss the point. Our national security strategy must be revisited. Our 60th year should be one of substance.

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