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July 18, 2002

The Great Falafel Question

The last time you bit into a falafel sandwich you were probably thinking about nothing more than the warm spice and crunch of the chickpea fritters and the way they played against the soft bread, crisp vegetables and nutty tahini sauce.

Unless you’re Palestinian, in which case you may have had weightier culinary issues on your mind.

Many Palestinians believe that Israelis have stolen falafel, a traditional Arab food, and passed it off as what postcards at tourist kiosks all over Israel call "Israel’s National Snack."

"We always sort of look at each other and roll our eyeballs when we pass a restaurant that says ‘Israeli falafel,’" said Rashid Khalidi, a Palestinian American and a professor of Middle Eastern history at the University of Chicago.

Some do more than roll eyeballs. Aziz Shihab, a Palestinian American and the author of the cookbook, "A Taste of Palestine," once picked an argument with the owners of an Israeli restaurant in Dallas that served falafel. "This is my mother’s food," he said. "This is my grandfather’s food. What do you mean you’re serving it as your food?"

It’s nice to think that sharing a cherished food brings enemies together, easing tension and misunderstanding. But the world’s rawest conflicts can include disagreements over common foodstuffs. Irish Catholics and Protestants have lightly bickered over whiskey. Turks and Greeks have feuded over coffee. And Jews and Arabs argue about falafel in a way that reflects the wider conflict, touching on debates over territory and history. "Food always migrates according to immigration and commerce," said Yael Raviv, an Israeli student at New York University who wrote her doctorate on Israeli nationalism and cuisine. "But because of the political situation, falafel has taken on enormous significance."

"Every Israeli tourist brochure has a shot of falafel," Raviv continued. "And every Israeli cookbook has a falafel recipe."

Jewish and Israeli attitudes toward the falafel debate range from defiance to ambivalence to outright shame — just as they do toward the conflict at large. Some Jews point out that no single group can own a method for frying a mush of legumes; they say that falafel is generically Middle Eastern, having originated in Egypt and found its way as far as Morocco and Saudi Arabia.

"Have we stolen pasta from the Italians?" asked Geoffrey Weill, who does public relations for Israel’s Ministry of Tourism. "What kind of nonsense is that?"

Hagay Nagar, the Israeli co-owner of Hoomoos Asli in New York, says that falafel is now "an international food, like a hamburger." (Nevertheless, his restaurant has an Arabic name: "Asli," a word adopted by Israeli slang, means "original" in Arabic.)

Some argue that there is some historical precedent. Joan Nathan, author of "The Foods of Israel Today," said: "Falafel is a biblical food. The ingredients are as old as you’re going to get. These are the foods of the land, and the land goes back to the Bible. There have been Jews and Arabs in the Middle East forever, and the idea that Jews stole it doesn’t hold any water."

Claudia Roden, born in Egypt and the author of "The Book of Jewish Food," confirmed that while falafel was never specifically a Jewish dish, it was certainly eaten by Jews in Egypt and Syria.

Other Jews and Israelis are less comfortable with the Israelization of falafel. Take Orna Agmon, a co-owner of the Falafel Queens, a set of upscale falafel restaurants in Israel. Agmon and her business partner, Ella Shein, were so ambivalent about the issue, she said, that "it took us many years to actually have the courage to open a falafel restaurant — we were afraid this act would be misunderstood."

Agmon and Shein polished their falafel-making skills under the tutelage of Palestinian women, she said, "who make the best falafel you can imagine," and who volunteered their knowledge without asking for compensation. "It was three years ago; it was a different period," Agmon said, referring to the relative calm that preceded the current violence. "It is still something that’s hard for us to think about now."

As surprising as it may sound, given the bloodiness and acrimony of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Zionism has always been perfumed by a whiff of romance with Arab culture. The Eastern European Jews who flocked to Palestine in the late 19th and early 20th centuries rejected their Continental pasts in favor of a return to their ancient roots. "The Jewish settlers were looking for new ways to connect with their biblical pasts," Raviv said, "and Arabs were the perfect role models."

Some Jewish settlers in Palestine referred to themselves as "Hebrew Bedouins" and donned kaffiyehs (Arab headdresses). "Politically, the Zionists ignored the Arabs, but culturally, they romanticized and tried to imitate them," said Yael Zerubavel, a scholar of Israeli culture at Rutgers. This imitation didn’t seem like theft, Zerubavel said, "but localization, a process of putting roots in soil."

The newly arrived Jews needed a cuisine to suit their new identities and surroundings. "Their native food was inappropriate for the weather and the produce," Roden said. Not surprisingly, they were enchanted by the smoky eggplant dips, rustic breads and aromatic spice mixtures of Palestinian cuisine. As Najwa al-Qattan, a Palestinian American and a professor of Middle Eastern history at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, put it, "If you were given the choice between falafel and gefilte fish, which would you choose?"

These Zionists, by and large socialists, loved humble street foods like falafel, Roden said. They showed little interest in the primary jewels of Palestinian cuisine, like musakhan, a sumptuous ovenful of chicken, onions, sumac and pine nuts layered with fresh bread. Still, it wasn’t until hundreds of thousands of Jews from Arab countries immigrated to Israel in the 1950s that falafel truly became an Israeli emblem.

"And We Have Falafel," a popular Israeli song written in 1958, included such lyrics as: "It used to be when a Jew came to Israel he kissed the ground and gave thanks/Now as soon as he gets off the plane he has a falafel." It also has the line "only we have falafel," adding "because this is the national food of Israel."

In particular, Jews from Yemen got into the falafel business, opening up concession stands. These immigrants, Zerubavel said, "made it possible to incorporate elements like falafel without referring to them as Palestinian." Raviv of New York University added that falafel’s lack of history as a specifically Jewish food speeded its adoption in the Jewish state, whose diverse residents could unite around a local dish that would be, she said, "valid to everyone."

Agmon compared falafel’s history to that of the sabra, the local prickly fruit that Palestinians ate for centuries before Israelis started using the word as a nickname for a native-born Israeli. Similarly, Ammiel Alcalay, a Jewish professor of Middle Eastern culture at Queens College, believes that "it’s total appropriation, and that it’s linked to very concrete things like land and sustenance." Alcalay said that Israelis have claimed falafel in the same way that they have Jaffa oranges and the spice mixture zaatar. (Zaatar usually consists of some combination of wild oregano, thyme, sumac and sesame seeds.)

But with time, Israelis have become quicker to acknowledge falafel’s provenance. Throughout the mid-1990s, during the shaky peace, Israeli tourists flocked to Jordan, and then to Palestinian villages inside Israel. Dan Almagor, who wrote the lyrics to "And We Have Falafel," said he would write the same song today — but with a line about the dish’s Arab origins.

And the falafel itself keeps changing. The original Egyptian dish was made with fava beans; as falafel moved northward, cooks substituted chickpeas. Until recently, Israel’s most notable contribution to its evolution has been to cram novel accompaniments, from shredded beets to French fries, into falafel sandwiches.

But the Falafel Queens have developed two new varieties: red falafel (flavored with jalapeños and served with roasted peppers, tomatoes and spicy yogurt sauce) and orange falafel (made with sweet potatoes and accompanied by cabbage, honey and ginger tahini). "Israelis love to think that falafel is their own," Agmon said. "But it’s something we adopted. For me, falafel is an Arab food with a long history and amazing versatility, to which we tried to contribute a new variation."

And perhaps Palestinians will grow more tolerant of Israeli enthusiasm for falafel. Shihab, who once quibbled with Jewish restaurateurs over it, claimed that his views have softened. "It’s a regional food, not a people food," he said. "The more I think and the more I pray for peace, the more I think it’s a silly argument."

Falafel

Time: 1 hour 15 minutes, plus 24 hours for refrigerating chickpeas

11¼ cups dried chickpeas
1¼ cup bulgur wheat
2 cloves garlic, peeled and chopped
4 scallions, roughly chopped
3 tablespoons chopped flat-leaf parsley
1 teaspoon ground coriander
1 teaspoon ground cumin
1¼ teaspoon cayenne pepper
1 tablespoon lemon juice
11¼ teaspoons salt
1¼ teaspoon baking soda
Freshly ground black pepper
Vegetable oil, for deep frying.

1. Place chickpeas in a large bowl and cover with cold water. Refrigerate for 24 hours.
2. Rinse bulgur in a fine-meshed sieve and transfer to a bowl. Cover and let stand for 20 minutes.
3. Drain chickpeas. In a food processor, combine chickpeas, bulgur, garlic, scallions and parsley. Add coriander, cumin, cayenne, lemon juice, salt and baking soda. Season with black pepper to taste. Process until ground to a coarse paste-like consistency. Cover and let stand for 30 minutes.
4. With moistened hands, shape rounded tablespoons of the mixture into meatball-size balls. Heat oil for deep frying to 375 F, or until a cube of bread turns golden in one minute. Deep-fry six or seven falafel at a time, turning to brown evenly, about five minutes. (To check if falafel is cooked, cut one in half. The color should be even through to the middle. If not even, increase cooking time by one minute.) Drain on paper towels.

Yield: About 30 fritters.

The Great Falafel Question Read More »

Blame It on the Dummy

If you’ve got something against the Jewish dummy named Velvel, blame Nat King Cole.

Back in 1955, the legendary crooner would come into the Sunset Strip club where his wife worked, and catch Rickie Layne and Velvel in action.

"He told Ed Sullivan, ‘There’s a guy working with my wife in Ciro’s,’" Layne, 78, told The Journal. "’He’s hysterical. He uses a dummy with a Jewish dialect.’"

Cole promised Sullivan that if Layne and Velvel bombed, he would do a show gratis. On Jan. 1, 1956, Rickie Layne and Velvel killed on "The Ed Sullivan Show." Cole never did the free show.

"After our bit," Layne recalls, "Ed told me, ‘We’re gonna have you on again in two weeks.’ Two weeks later, Ed told me, ‘We’re going to have you a month from now.’"

The man/puppet comedy duo made 48 appearances on "Sullivan."

"I always tried to work Sullivan into some of the bits because he loved working with the dummy," Layne says.

At the Vegas Ventriloquist Festival 2002 in April, the International Ventriloquist Association (IVA) presented Northridge residents Layne and Velvel with a career-saluting Askins Award, alongside Candice Bergen, who accepted an honor on behalf of her pioneer ventriloquist father Edgar Bergen.

"He represents what I called dyed-in-the-wool ventriloquist," IVA Director Valentine Vox says of Layne. "They asked me how ventriloquism has changed over the years and it hasn’t changed. It’s still about comedy."

"I’m not a good ventriloquist," Layne admits. "I’m basically a comic. I use the dummy as an excuse to do dialogue."

Born Richard Israel Cohen, Layne, who alternately bills himself as Rick E. Layne, began working in showbiz at age 9. The Brooklyn-born comic impersonated Eddie Cantor and Al Jolson until the day his Uncle Norbert bought him a dummy. That dummy was one Willy Gladstone.

"I called him Gladstone because he slept in a Gladstone bag," Layne says. "One night I tried the dummy out as an encore. The audience liked the encore better than the act."

Layne and Gladstone have remained joined at the lap ever since. Throughout Layne’s teens, the pair toured America with Major Bowes’ entertainment troupe. In 1943, 18-year-old Layne was drafted. When Layne exited the Army at 21, he hit the Catskills. It was while playing the Borscht Belt that Gladstone was reborn as the Yiddish-accented Velvel.

"Velvel is ‘Willie’ in Jewish," Layne says.

Over their long career, Layne and Velvel have played every venue, from New Jersey’s Grossman’s Hotel and the Catskills’ Grossinger’s to New York’s Copacabana, the Fountainbleu in Florida, and L.A.’s Orpheum Theatre. The pair has palled around with Sammy Davis Jr. and Frank Sinatra and hung out at Jerry Lewis’ place. Cary Grant would catch Layne and Velvel at Billy Gray’s Bandbox, a popular Fairfax District club.

"Once in Miami, I opened at the Ritz-Carlton," Layne remembers, "and a chambermaid came into my suite while I was down having lunch. She called the police after she had opened my suitcase and found Velvel. She went around screaming, ‘There’s a dead boy! His eyes are open, his eyes are open!’ She thought I killed a kid. The hotel fired her for going into my stuff."

Personality-wise, Layne and Velvel have not changed much over the decades. However, life on the road has physically aged both ventriloquist and dummy. Clean-shaven in the 1950s, the team filled out, grew their hair and sported mustaches by the late 1970s.

"I was up in Reno in 1978 and I did a gag with the dummy where he had a mustache," Layne says. "I’d say, you’re just jealous because your mustache is bigger than mine, and Velvel would answer, ‘Anything I have is bigger than yours.’"

After a veritable lifetime of ventriloquism with Velvel, Layne still gets a charge out of entertaining audiences. And there’s a good reason why Layne has worked with Velvel all these years: "If something came out wrong, I’d blame the dummy."

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A Unique Sound

Considering where he’s been, it seemed unlikely that Craig Wyckoff would have been the man inducted on July 12 as president of Valley Outreach Synagogue (VOS).

The entertainment agent was once so disillusioned with Judaism that he flirted with Eastern religions, until his wife Mary reconnected him to Judaism.

Then again, second chances are what VOS is based on — the founders of the Canoga Park temple are recovering alcoholics.

The Temple’s new president, a principal at the Beverly Hills-based Epstein-Wyckoff-Corsa-Ross, reflects what congregants find unique about their temple: its interfaith contingent and its emphasis on music.

Wycoff was always drawn to music. It was what attracted him to Judaism and to entertainment.

"I’ve always loved music," said Wyckoff, 50, recalling his Dallas upbringing. "The first tune I ever heard was the ‘Kol Nidre.’ It moved me. I was in awe of it. From that day on, I wanted to do that."

And music is a big part of why Wyckoff has felt comfortable at VOS, where Cantor Ron Li-Paz and musical director Jack Bielan have, for years, employed music as a primary tool to make services more accessible at this Reform synagogue, which serves a broad demographic of Jewish, non-Jewish, converted and interfaith constituents. (Wyckoff’s wife of 15 years, Mary, is a practicing Greek Orthodox.)

Rabbi Jerry Fisher, the synagogue’s current spiritual leader, said that back in 1996 he helped Rabbi Richard Schachet to form a congregation that was "different than most," he said.

"People came to him and asked, ‘What are you doing for the holidays?’" Fisher recalled, "and [Schachet] said, ‘Well, I’m a rabbi on a cruise.’ And they said, ‘How about holding a service for us?’"

With just nine members, a "congregation" was born. Today, some 450 families gather most Shabbats at VOS, which occupies space at Kirk of the Valley Presbyterian. During the High Holy Days, with a congregation of about 1,500, VOS holds services at Shepherd of the Hills in Porter Ranch.

"The synagogue is run by volunteers," said Mickey Bilsky, immediate past president of the temple. "What we find is that the people are there because they choose to be there. It is due to their hard work that Valley Outreach is what it is."

What has attracted many members to VOS is the shul’s mission to make a difference, both through outreach and inclusion: SOVA Kosher Food Pantry, Valley Jewish Store Front, and various shelters for battered women, such as Women’s Care Cottage and Haven Hills, have been among the causes that VOS has supported. VOS will also co-sponsor the West Valley Community Health Expo on Aug. 4 at Shomrei Torah Synagogue in West Hills. Wyckoff and Richard Rice, VOS chair, recently assisted Nader and Mereille Manesh, owners of the Avant Garde clothing store, at their Shop to Support Israel fundraiser.

"They’re quite committed to the needs of Magen David in Israel," said Howard Parmet, executive director of Magen David Adom West.

Marlene Grossman, a three-time VOS dinner chair who, with husband Arthur, has been a member since 1995, loves the unique experience that the synagogue offers her family. Today, she drives all the way to Valencia to pick up her grandchildren and drive them to temple.

"They look forward to going," Grossman said. "It’s made them feel very Jewish, coming from a mixed-marriage. They have a sense of pride going there."

Wyckoff first visited VOS a decade ago on the advice of a neighbor of his in-laws when Wyckoff inquired about a good place where he could do yartzheit for his father. At the first meeting, Wyckoff got involved with the volunteer temple through its Ways and Means Committee, which Wyckoff later headed from 1995-2000. The temple named him Man of the Year in 1996, and he now brings his children, Michael, 8; James, 3; and Joy, 6 months to VOS.

"Craig is one of many very dedicated people who works very hard," Bilsky said. "He will bring dedication and fairness to do whatever is in the best interests of Valley Outreach Synagogue."

Wyckoff is looking forward to leading VOS as a "thank you" to the synagogue that helped him rekindle the joys of the Jewish experience.

"It’s going to be a big responsibility," Wyckoff said, "but I feel that it’s an honor."

A Unique Sound Read More »

A House Divided

On a blazing hot Saturday in the hills of Calabasas, the streets are deserted, devoid of the usual clusters of children playing ball or teens on bikes and scooters within this gated community south of the 101 Freeway. Houses shimmer in the glaring sun; garage doors hold the heat at bay.

Driving through, one would never know a small revolution is taking place behind one of those garage doors. In a home with a three-car garage, a new congregation, Kol Simcha, has sprung up, the second traditional shul to invade this cloistered community. (The garage is only a temporary solution; the group expects to move to a more appropriately-zoned location within a few months, its rabbi, Dov Fischer, said.)

Comprised mostly of ba’alei teshuvah (returnees to Judaism) and Sephardim, the group represents a new era in Orthodoxy, one where you can have your Mercedes M-Class and your mechitza, too.

However, the new shul’s birth has not been without its labor pains. Many of the members initially met as founders of The Calabasas Shul, the first Orthodox congregation in Calabasas, which still meets for Shabbat services at the nearby Bay Laurel Elementary School and holds classes at the home of their rebbe, Rabbi Yakov Vann. The 7-year-old congregation peaked in number at 65 families about two years ago but ever since the Kol Simcha group began meeting following last year’s High Holy Days, the Calabasas Shul has shrunk to some 35 families, Vann said.

Until now, Calabasas, which is about 78 percent Jewish, had only two synagogues: Or Ami, a Reform congregation which also rents Bay Laurel, and the Calabasas Shul. While Or Ami has grown exponentially since its inception, the Calabasas Shul has not, limited as it is by its location atop a steep hill and by the few Orthodox families willing to move to an area with no kosher restaurants and where housing is astronomically priced.

This split from the Calabasas Shul has caused a deep rift within the community, one that will likely take years to heal, if ever. Some say it was a matter of synagogue politics and social cliques that led to the break-up; others from the original congregation point out, with some bitterness, that it is easier on the checkbook to handle being a member of a shul with such little overhead.

"We rent a public school for services and have a full-time rabbi. They have a part-time rabbi and are using someone’s garage. So when you ask if we can both survive, it’s a difficult comparison," said Shelley Cooper, a middle school teacher at Emek Hebrew Academy and one of the Calabasas Shul’s founders. "It’s no longer a financial problem for them."

More than the financial concerns, the split has caused problems on a social level in this close-knit community — especially for the children. Many of the departing families had young children and the ones left behind do not understand why they have been abandoned.

"It is very upsetting, not only for me, but for our children," David Hofstadter said. He and his wife, Batia, moved to Calabasas from Tarzana five years ago specifically to be closer to the shul. Their children, ages 5 to 12, have grown up in the congregation, but Hofstadter said now it is a struggle for the family. "Their friends now no longer attend, so they don’t feel like going. It’s really had a deleterious effect on the community."

Still, Hofstadter said he could see both sides of the issue. "The people who left felt like they weren’t getting a fair shake and had other priorities that were not being met," he said. "So it’s probably good because there was this feeling of negativity and now that is gone."

Families who left say they simply needed a different experience than they were getting at the Calabasas Shul.

"We just wanted something that met our spiritual needs," said Dr. Sam Fink, an internist in private practice in Tarzana and the president of Kol Simcha. "We are more Sephardic; we have more Persians and more Israelis. It’s a different culture. We bear the Calabasas Shul no ill will; we just wanted something different. "

Rabbi Aron Tendler of Shaarey Zedek said the situation in Calabasas is typical of most synagogue communities when there is a break-off.

"Clearly, as you thin out the ranks there are fewer people to share the financial burden and increased responsibility on the survivors and there is some resentment that comes with that," Tendler said, adding that on the other hand, "the people who leave are the ones who are the most unhappy, which leaves behind a more homogeneous, happier group. "

Tendler concedes, though, that the Calabasas Shul was a small congregation to begin with, and that the loss of members had a more significant impact than it would for a shul like Shaarey Zedek. Both Calabasas groups will also face special challenges in terms of growth because of the high cost of housing and the area’s geography, which makes walking to shul a hardship for most people.

Rabbi Dov Fischer, Kol Simcha’s newly hired part-time rabbi, said he is optimistic, even in the face of such challenges.

"It is an Orthodox community that really reflects an evolution in American Orthodoxy," Fischer said. "Until about 15 years ago, it clearly was the case that Orthodoxy was not upscale. But with the proliferation of yeshiva day schools which had faculty who were themselves American-born, you had all these Orthodox children like me who were raised to be Orthodox, but also to go to Columbia University. So you’re going see a lot more upscale people."

The second component, Fischer said, concerns the massive ba’alei teshuvah movement that has snowballed over the course of the last two decades.

"There are many Conservative and Reform Jews who feel they want to go forward and create for themselves something substantive," he said. "Often it begins with the children, coming home from day school with new lessons they want to see actualized," Fischer said. "The parents see that Orthodoxy is not so foreboding and find it’s an exceptionally warm community. That’s why we feel we can be attractive even in an upscale area, because we try to do things in an elegant way that people find comfortable."

Fischer said that he has met with Vann to discuss healing the breach between the two congregations. Despite that effort, the situation has been especially hard on Vann. In addition to running the Calabasas Shul, he and his wife, Chumie, have worked hard to establish themselves throughout the West Valley Jewish community. Chumie runs a small catering business and teaches classes through the Kollel in North Hollywood. The rabbi teaches classes at Emek, serves on the West Valley Rabbinic Task Force and attends meetings of The Jewish Federation/Valley Alliance. It is the possible loss of an Orthodox presence in the greater community if the Calabasas Shul folds that concerns Vann the most.

"There’s a far difference between what I do and what Rabbi Fischer is going to do. Nothing against Rabbi Fischer, it’s just a fact of life," Vann said. "For example, this week several people called me about divorce issues, about suicide issues, about halachic issues and I don’t get paid a penny for people who come to me. The only people who pay me are the shul. If I leave, the problem is we’re going to create a vacuum of leadership. Who’s going to sit in on The Federation meetings, who’s going to advise the community high school?"

But Fink said he believes the two congregations can continue to grow and thrive, even within the limitations of a city like Calabasas.

"They’ve had no trouble getting minyans and we’ve had no trouble getting minyans," he said. "They have a rabbi who is very committed and can provide good leadership. As long as they are meeting people’s needs and [congregants] are happy, they should be fine.

"The goal here is not to be a Sephardic Temple [Tifereth Israel] or a Sinai Temple; you don’t need 2,000 families," Fink continued. "The goal is to be a place where spiritual needs are met, and if you can also meet the financial expenses associated with that, then you can be a successful congregation."

Even if it means meeting in a garage.

A House Divided Read More »

Not a Full Slate

It is undoubtedly one of the strangest elections in history. Come Nov. 5, not only will voters in the city of Los Angeles be asked to decide whether the San Fernando Valley and Hollywood get to secede, but voters in each of those two areas will simultaneously vote for the City Council and the mayor of two cities whose fates will, at that point, be undecided.

It’s enough to make one wonder exactly who would be confident — or foolhardy — enough to run for office under such circumstances. The answer: Very few people.

The dearth of candidates can be partly attributed to the unusual nature of this election. Candidate filings for city elections in Los Angeles would normally have begun July 15. However, the L.A. County registrar is unable to process filings for the San Fernando Valley until the election is formally called by the Board of Supervisors on July 25.

For candidates interested in moving forward, the alternative was to file papers of intent to run with the city of Los Angeles’ Ethics Commission. At press time, only 24 Valley residents had filed papers to run for one of the 14 proposed City Council districts. With the exception of former Assemblymember Paula Boland, most of the candidates are unknown to the general public. The biggest name, Assemblyman Keith Richman of Northridge, is the singular candidate for mayor of the possible Valley city.

Most candidates feel so strongly about secession that any candidacy, no matter how costly, seems worth the risks. Real estate broker Richard Leyner, a founder of Valley VOTE, said his experience fighting with the city to open its books prior to the secession drive spurred him to run for the Valley’s proposed 13th District covering Sherman Oaks, Encino and Tarzana.

"Had [the Los Angeles City Council] talked about boroughs two years ago or given the neighborhood councils some teeth, I would have thought differently," Leyner said. "But they just keep putting up blockades."

However, not all candidates share Leyner’s passion. Longtime political activist Scott Svonkin, a fixture in the Jewish community because of his work with The Jewish Federation/Valley Alliance’s Jewish Community Relations Committee and B’nai B’rith, is running for the 14th District (Studio City and Sherman Oaks). He does not strongly support secession.

"The voters should decide whether they want a new city or not," said Svonkin, chief of staff for Democratic Assemblyman Paul Koretz. "I’m putting myself before the voters, because I believe I can bring a new vision for better, more responsive government that currently does not exist in Los Angeles."

Svonkin said he has received endorsements from both secession supporters and opponents. "They’re supporting me because they believe in my leadership experience, not necessarily because they want secession to pass."

As significant as who from the Jewish community is running, is who chose not to run. Although a seeming boon to termed-out politicians, the latest developments in the secession movement — particularly the decision earlier this month by state Sen. Richard Alarcon not to run for mayor — have made running for office an unattractive proposition, especially for Democrats. Assembly Speaker Emeritus Robert Hertzberg opted out early on, instead choosing to get behind the (thus far unsuccessful) push for a borough system. Former Assemblyman Richard Katz took the position of chair of the San Fernando Valley Independence Committee and is concentrating his efforts on getting secession passed.

Katz said he believes more people would have filed to run if not for the opposition of the city’s labor unions and that of the local Democratic Party organizations. The Los Angeles County Democratic Party’s Central Committee voted June 11 to oppose the breakup of the city of Los Angeles, and labor unions have actively campaigned against secession.

"There’s no question the unions exerted tremendous pressure on Richard [Alarcon] not to run," Katz observed. "There was a huge effort made and obviously it paid off. Paul Koretz is taking heat for endorsing Scott Svonkin, but Paul understands the need to support candidates even if you do not support secession. You can’t just ignore 14 council seats and a mayor with no back-up plan simply because you’re against the overall goal — it’s just wrong."

Katz said he expects to see a full slate of candidates and very competitive races develop in the next few months.

"I didn’t run, because I felt it was a good time for other people to step up to the plate. I can do more by making this dream of Valley cityhood come true," he said.

Not a Full Slate Read More »

Where No Israeli Has Gone Before

For 25 years, Ilan Ramon strapped himself into fighter jets to help protect Israel. Soon, the air force colonel will have a chance to view his embattled homeland from a perspective never before seen by a sabra. Ramon, a 48-year-old father of four, is going into space.

"Every time you are the first, it’s meaningful," Ramon said during a preflight interview last week at the Johnson Space Center in Houston. "Probably the fact that I’m the son of a Holocaust survivor is even more symbolic [than usual]. I’m proof that even with all the hard times, we are going forward."

Ramon, who will be flying as a guest research scientist aboard the space shuttle Columbia, is scheduled to spend 16 days orbiting Earth with six career U.S. astronauts, including an Indian-born engineer and an African American payload commander.

Upon graduation from high school in Tel Aviv, Ramon was drafted into the military and attended flight training school. At 19, he was tapped to serve in the 1973 Yom Kippur War. The danger, however, did nothing to quench his desire to fly.

"I love to fly," said Ramon, who became part of Israel’s first F-16 fighter squadron and served two stints as deputy commander for F-16 and F-4 squadrons. He sandwiched four years of college at Tel Aviv University in between his command posts, earning a bachelor’s of science degree. He earned the rank of colonel in 1994 and took control of the Weapon Development and Acquisition Department — a post he held until 1997 when a colleague called and asked him if he’d like to become an astronaut.

At first, Ramon thought the offer was a joke.

"When I was a kid growing up, nobody in Israel ever dreamed — well, most people wouldn’t dream — of being an astronaut, because it wasn’t on the agenda. So I never thought I would have been an astronaut," he said.

"I would like to see my mission as my first one, not my last," he added. — Irene Brown, Jewish Telegraphic Agency

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The Hebrew Holiday of Love

Imagine a Jewish holiday on which you don’t have to fast or pray and whose history does not involve commemorating a war.

The little-publicized Tu B’Av — not Tisha B’Av — otherwise known as the Holiday of Love, literally means the 15th day of Av and falls this year on July 24. It has been a Jewish holiday since the days of the Second Temple.

Historically, Tu B’Av was the one day a year when the tribes of Israel were allowed to intermarry. This is where the "love" part comes in. Picture the biggest JDate party on the planet, and just put it in the middle of the desert. According to the Talmud, the women would wear white and dance in the vineyard, hoping to catch the eye of some cute guy from another tribe. It’s the Jewish Sadie Hawkins Day.

While the holiday is celebrated in Israel with dancing, love song dedications and the sending of red roses, Rabbi David Wolpe of Sinai Temple, home of the singles-geared Friday Night Live, says the reason that the holiday isn’t well known by the masses is that the holiday is seasonal.

"It’s a summer holiday, and Jews aren’t around in the summer," Wolpe explains. "People are less familiar with it, because it is a minor holiday with no specific observances."

Wolpe says that it’s up to clergy to spread the word on this Jewish day of love. "Rabbis should get out to say that there is a holiday that celebrates love, and that love is a much more powerful component in the Jewish tradition than we believe," he says.

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Illusions of a Separate Peace

As you read this, a fence is going up to separate Israelis from Palestinians. For now, it is defined as temporary, for defensive purposes only. It encompasses, on its Israeli side, most of the settlements Israel has established in the occupied territories. It is not intended to determine the future border between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

"Good fences make good neighbors," wrote the poet Robert Frost. Israel and Palestine are certainly not good neighbors, and there is an urgent need, both in practice and in principle, to establish a border between them. I mean a border with defensive and barrier devices, open only at crossings established by mutual consent. Such a border will protect the two sides from each other, help stabilize their relations and, especially, require them to internalize, once and for all, the concept of a border. It’s a vague, elusive and problematic concept for both, since they’ve lived for the last 100 years without clear boundaries, with constant invasion, each within, on top of, over and under the other.

Yet it is very dangerous to establish such a border fence right now, unilaterally, without a peace agreement. It is yet another precipitate action aimed at giving the Israeli public a temporary illusion of security; its main effect will be to supply Israelis with a counterfeit replacement for a peace process.

There may well come a time — after both sides have attempted another serious and sincere move toward peace — when Israel will conclude that there really is no chance of peace in this generation. In such a case, Israel will have to withdraw from the occupied territories, evacuate almost all the settlements, shut itself behind a thick wall and prepare for an ongoing battle.

From my conversations with Palestinian leaders, however, I am convinced there still is a chance for peace. Most Israelis disagree. "There’s no one to make an agreement with!" they say. "Even Shimon Peres and the leaders of the left say that they are no longer willing to talk with Yasser Arafat, and in the meantime Israel must defend itself against terror somehow!"

But even if we assume that Arafat is not a negotiating partner — by the way, it certainly hasn’t been proved that Ariel Sharon is a partner — we need to examine the practical implications of building a barrier fence without an agreement. It is clear to everyone that such a fence will not prevent, for example, the Palestinians’ firing rockets and mortars from their territory into Israel. The Israeli Army will have to operate beyond the fence, in order to defend isolated Israeli settlements that will remain on the other side. It takes little imagination to realize what military complications this will bring.

The fence will not provide an appropriate military response to the complex situation in Jerusalem, in which Jews and Arabs rub shoulders each day. Quite the opposite. An attempt to detach East Jerusalem from the rest of the Palestinian territories is liable to turn the Arab city’s inhabitants to the use of terror, which they have mostly resisted so far.

The distress Israelis feel is plain and comprehensible. It derives from the inhuman cruelty of the suicide bombings and from the feeling that there is no way out, given the huge support for terrorism among Palestinians. But this distress cannot overcome my sense that the Israeli infatuation with the fence is the product of a psychological need. It is not a well-considered policy.

In establishing a fence unilaterally, Israel is throwing away the best card it has. It will be discarding this trump without receiving anything in return from the Palestinians. Last month in London, I heard Yasir Abed Rabbo, the Palestinian information minister, say in a conversation with Israelis from the peace camp that if Israel withdraws behind a fence, Palestinians will spend a day celebrating that most of the occupation has ended, and the next day will continue the intifada, in order to obtain the rest of their demands.

Those other demands are well known: Israeli withdrawal from 100 percent of the territories Israel occupied in the 1967 war; evacuation of all the settlements; Arab Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine; and acceptance of the principle of the Palestinian refugees’ right of return within Israel proper.

Yet there is today a good chance of resolving all these issues in negotiations. The Clinton plan proposes solutions for them; it has for all intents and purposes been accepted by both sides, even if neither is able to commence negotiations to put those solutions into practice. But if the demands of Palestinians are not resolved in negotiations, the fighting will continue. In fact, Palestinians may fight more fiercely if they feel their terror has forced Israel into a new ghetto.

Because it is so important, let me say it again: the establishment of a fence without an agreement means Israel will give up most of the occupied territories without the Palestinians giving up the right of return.

The establishment of a fence without peace also means that the fence will have to extend into the West Bank to encompass most of the settlements. But in building the fence to include the settlements, Israel will have to take in many Palestinian towns and villages that lie close to the settlements and to the roads that lead to them. According to some estimates, this will involve about 150,000 Palestinians. If we add the Arabs of East Jerusalem, the number of Palestinians on the Israeli side of the fence may well reach 400,000.

These people will not be Israeli citizens. Israel does not want them. They will have no clear legal status and will not be able to participate in elections. Does anyone seriously believe they will not turn to terrorism? When that happens, they will be inside the fence, not outside it, and they will have unobstructed passage to Israel’s city centers. Or will Israel confine them behind yet another, second fence?

Israel correctly fears giving Palestinians the right of return to within its borders. So it is hard to understand how Israel could be prepared to take in hundreds of thousands of hostile Palestinians by building a fence.

Another question: How will Israel’s Arab citizens feel? They are about one-sixth of the population. Many have ties to families in the Palestinian Authority lands. Will these ties be severed by the fence? Will Israel not be increasing the bitterness and frustration of this one-sixth of the citizenry, and will not this lead Israeli Arabs to adopt even more extreme positions at a time when their connection to their country has been growing more tenuous?

The fence’s major drawing power for most Israelis is that it has never been tried. So it can be believed in, for a while.

But the border between Israel and Palestine can be set only through full agreement by both sides. Such an agreement seems impossible today, but we cannot allow ourselves the luxury of despairing of it. I think it’s better to wait and live for a few more years without this fence of illusions. This wall will declare our absolute despair of reaching a peace agreement in our generation, of integrating a normal Israel into the region around it.

A wall will allow the extremists — who are all too numerous — to argue that there will be no one to talk to in the future. Putting the other out of sight will only make dehumanization easier and justify a more extreme struggle.

Israel must not be tempted by the fiction of security behind a wall. Instead, it must invest its energy in the recommencement of negotiations. If Arafat is unacceptable to Sharon and Bush, let those leaders explain to us how they can create a better situation. Until they can do so, they bear the responsibility — no less weighty than Arafat’s responsibility — for the immobility, the insensibility and the despair on both sides.


This article was translated from the Hebrew by Haim Watzman and originally appeared in The New York Times. David Grossman is the author, most recently, of "Be My Knife," a novel.

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Secession: Rolling the Dice With Public Safety

Any experienced law-enforcement professional knows that coordination and communication make all the difference in a complex case or threat situation.

During my final trial as a federal prosecutor, my co-counsel and I coordinated the efforts of five federal law-enforcement agencies to obtain an involuntary servitude conviction. Each agency offered its own particular expertise, but each also added an additional layer of bureaucracy that made doing the right thing more challenging.

My law enforcement background compels me to question the impact of the proposed secession of the San Fernando Valley on public safety. Because creating two cities out of Los Angeles will increase the complexity of our law enforcement challenges, secession is irresponsible from a public safety perspective.

There are only three alternatives for the provision of public safety services if the Valley secedes: 1) Create a new police department from scratch; 2) Contract for law enforcement with the remaining City of Los Angeles; or 3) Contract with another provider, such as the County of Los Angeles. An examination of each alternative shows why secession is misguided.

Create a New Police Department

Selecting a police chief and recruiting, training, organizing and supervising thousands of new officers would be an immediate and challenging undertaking for a fledgling government. With no precedent for forming a new force, the new city is likely to struggle to meet basic service needs as it figures out the fundamentals of preserving public safety. With every police department in the state having difficulty with recruitment, there is no reason to believe a Valley police department could be readily staffed with greater success.

Let’s be blunt — if pro-secession forces have a plan to create a new police department for the Valley from scratch, it is a closely held secret.

Moreover, in a crisis such as the North Hollywood shootout of 1997, highly trained, specialized officers are essential to resolving a dangerous situation. Yet there is no plan for the creation of, for example, specialized SWAT, bomb squad, domestic violence, gang, or gun enforcement teams for the Valley. Valley residents have no reason to have any confidence that the leaders behind the secession movement would have any success in creating from scratch fully functioning emergency services departments on whom their families’ lives would depend. Even if a fledgling police department were created, its separation from the LAPD would hinder the ability to surge regionwide law-enforcement resources to conduct crime suppression activities.

Contract with the City of Los
Angeles

While it is possible for a Valley city to contract for emergency services with the City of Los Angeles, why on earth would this be preferable for Valley residents than the status quo? Why would any Valley resident wish to be a customer-once-removed from the LAPD, rather than a constituent?

Let me give two examples. Recently several Jewish youth were assaulted by skinheads in the Beverlywood neighborhood in my district. Through the efforts of my office, the LAPD was persuaded to beef-up patrols during Shabbat. I am very conscious of the potential for hate crimes in my district, and I will not hesitate to demand additional police resources if they are needed to protect my constituents.

Another residential area of my district has been plagued by dangerous speeding during rush hour. My office, responding to the requests of our constituents, has coordinated sweeps and increased traffic enforcement efforts. One recent effort involved hillside neighborhoods including Sherman Oaks, Encino, Studio City, Beverly Glen, Hollywood and Bel Air, and dozens of officers who were redeployed from other areas of the city for the crackdown. As a separate city contracting with Los Angeles, Valley residents would lack the ability to put political pressure on their representatives for targeted law enforcement.

Contract with the County of Los
Angeles

Sheriff Lee Baca has responded to recent cuts in his budget by releasing criminals from the L.A. County Jail. County supervisors have in turn accused the sheriff of financially mismanaging his department. Without taking sides in this dispute, Valley residents should not tie their fates to this ongoing budget drama — again, one over which they would have no direct control.

For a while, secession advocates suggested the new city could contract with the sheriff for services for tens of millions of dollars less than LAPD. They ignored the fact that the basic contract for sheriff’s law enforcement does not include such services as senior lead officers, a crime lab, motorcycle patrols, gang intervention, SWAT teams or an anti-terrorist unit, among others.

Secessionists seem to have since dropped the idea of contracting with the sheriff and instead focused on contracting with LAPD. In reality, a contract with LAPD may be the only logical course for the new city. Any large incident, from a hillside fire to a terrorist act, is likely to affect people on both sides of the hills, and any major crisis will require a coordinated response of emergency personnel from all divisions, which would be best accomplished with the same department serving both areas.

Which brings us back to the question: why secede if the Valley is going to contract with the LAPD for the same services it receives now while giving up political influence over the department?

If areas of Los Angeles break away, their new bureaucracies could further complicate the serious challenges of law enforcement in our neighborhoods and may leave gaps in service. The most basic responsibility of local government is to provide for public safety. If a new city can’t meet this essential need, who will tell the crime victims and families that their safety is at greater risk because secession voters chose to take a chance on Camelot? I couldn’t ask crime victims to take a chance on bureaucrats and politicians when I was a federal prosecutor, and I won’t begin now.

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World Briefs

Amnesty Blasts Suicide Attacks

A report by Amnesty International calls Palestinian terror attacks on Israeli civilians “crimes against humanity.” None of the Israeli military’s actions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip justify Palestinian attacks on Israeli civilians, the report added.

Land Bill Stand Reversed

Israel’s Cabinet retracted its support for a bill that could bar Israeli Arabs from owning homes on state-owned land. The Cabinet voted 22-2 Sunday to refer the bill for review by a governmental committee on constitutional affairs. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon defended the decision, saying it could harm Arab-Jewish relations. Last week, the Cabinet created a furor when it voted to back the bill.

Yeshiva Bill Sparks Threat

Ultra-Orthodox lawmakers threatened to bolt the Israeli government over a bill granting draft exemptions for yeshiva students. The lawmakers took issue with a provision in the bill requiring yeshiva students to serve 12 days a year in the Civil Guard. Meanwhile, the secular Shinui and Meretz parties threatened to submit no-confidence motions in the government, charging that the bill institutionalizes draft-dodging.

Deri Released on Parole

Aryeh Deri, the former leader of Israel’s Orthodox Shas Party was freed Monday after serving two years of a three-year sentence for accepting bribes and misappropriating state funds. Deri said upon his release that he would fight to clear his name. When granting him early release, a parole board ruled that he cannot enter politics for one year.

Toronto Murder Suspect Arrested

Toronto police arrested Christopher Steven McBride, the prime suspect in the murder of a Chasidic man, late Monday night following a raid on an apartment in the city’s West End. Police soon began to interrogate the prisoner, who is a slight 20-year-old with a shaved head and tattoos.

According to police, David Rosenzweig — a father of six who was wearing a kippah — was approached from behind by two men and a woman early Sunday morning. After one of the men stabbed him in the back, all three assailants fled the scene. While not ruling out that the attack was a hate crime, police said Monday there is no concrete evidence that Rosenzweig was murdered because of his religion.

Bedouin Judge Sworn in

Israel’s first Bedouin judge was sworn in. Nasser Abbed-Taheh, 39, was one of 35 new judges who were sworn in Monday at a ceremony at the president’s residence in Jerusalem.

Paris Exhibit Vandalized

An exhibition in Paris about children who were deported in 1942 by the Nazis was vandalized by a 55-year-old woman. Christiane Castillon, who had no prior police record and is not believed to belong to any extremist organization, explained the July 7 incident by saying that “people make too many allowances for Jews where the Holocaust is concerned.”

Seeds of Peace Founder Dies at 59

John Wallach, the founder of Seeds of Peace, died July 10 of lung cancer at 59. In 1993, Wallach proposed to then-Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres that the group be created to bring Israeli, Palestinian and Egyptian youths together on neutral soil in the United States. Each summer since then, hundreds of Israeli and Arab teenagers have gathered in the woods of Maine in an effort to increase mutual understanding.

Shabbat Law Vetoed in Brazil

A law that would have recognized Saturday as a day of rest was vetoed by the governor of a Brazilian state. The bill would have given official recognition to the beliefs of some 12,000 Jews who live in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Following the governor’s veto, a movement has been launched in an effort to reverse that decision.

ADL Provides Workplace Guide

The Anti-Defamation League released a guide detailing U.S. laws on accommodating religious observance in the workplace. “Religious Accommodation in the Workplace” offers employees and employers general information on relevant federal laws. It is available at www.adl.org.

Briefs by Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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