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April 22, 1999

Littleton Explodes

Now that hate has once again claimed the lives of innocent students, dumbfounded activists, teachers, clergy and politicians are searching for ways to stem the tide of teen-age violence.

“We need to sort out what’s around in our world that’s facilitating this kind of thing happening,” Rabbi Fred Greenspahn, of Congregation Beth Shalom in Littleton, Colo., said Wednesday, one day after two heavily armed students opened fire in their suburban Denver high school, killing 12 students and one teacher, before killing themselves.

“Who are these kids, and why do these things happen?” Greenspahn wondered in a telephone interview, as his community reeled from the shock of Tuesday’s events.

In Denver, the Jewish community canceled its planned celebration of Israel’s Independence Day on Wednesday evening, choosing instead to hold a memorial service for the victims, none of whom were believed to be Jewish. An Israeli youth choir visiting for the Yom Ha’atzmaut event was slated to sing both at the Jewish community-sponsored memorial as well as a vigil sponsored by the city of Denver.

Police identified the perpetrators as Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, both of whom authorities said were members of a group known as the “Trenchcoat Mafia.”

Classmates at Columbine High School told local media that members of the group had been obsessed with World War II Germany and had spoken openly about April 20 being Adolf Hitler’s birthday.

Reports said that members of the group wore Nazi symbols and painted graffiti, including swastikas, in the school’s bathroom.

Dr. Carl Raschke, author of “Painted Black,” which explores violent youth culture, told the Denver Post it appears that the group operates under “a heavy code of neo-Nazism.”

That the massacre occurred on Hitler’s birthday “probably explains a lot more than we want to imagine,” he told the newspaper.

“These kids see themselves as young storm troopers,” said Raschke, a professor of religious studies at the University of Denver. “They want to honor the memory of the master and these kids seriously look to Hitler the same way that young blacks look to Martin Luther King and the way many Christians look to Jesus.”‘

Although the students may have had neo-Nazi ties, they apparently did not target Jews in the shooting.

Aaron Cohn was hiding under a table in the Columbine High School library when one of the perpetrators pressed a gun to his head.

“All jocks stand up. We’re going to kill every one of you,” the gunman said, according to Cohn. Cohn told local media that his life was spared when the shooter shifted his attention to a black student nearby and fired, saying, “I hate niggers.”

Doctors said 12 of the 15 dead, including the assailants, were found in the library where Cohn hid.

Another student, Jenni LaPlante, told the Denver Post she had asked members of the six-member strong group, “‘Why do you guys wear all that German stuff? Are you Nazis?’ And they would say, ‘Yeah, Heil Hitler.’ ” LaPlante told the newspaper that she never knew whether the suspects were joking or not.

Only a handful of Jewish students attend the high school, according to local residents. One has complained of an anti-Semitic atmosphere created by the same “jocks” targeted by the shooters this week.

Steven Greene, the father of a Jewish student at the school, has complained to school officials about a climate of anti-Semitism, according to the Intermountain Jewish News.

Although “Trenchcoat Mafia” appears to have adopted some neo-Nazi ideology, it does not appear to be central to their beliefs, according to local Anti-Defamation League officials in Denver who have been in touch with the local police. The police said they found hate material in the suspects’ homes.

And two months earlier, researchers at the Simon Wiesenthal Center, who have identified more than 1,500 Internet sites espousing hate and bigotry, had come across two sites promoting anarchy that were apparently linked to the Littleton student group.

“There have always been misfits and outsiders at schools, but what we seem to be getting now is a whole subculture coming together on-line and magnifying the chances of mayhem,” said Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate dean of the Los Angeles-based Wiesenthal Center.

In their rampage, police said, the shooters deployed lethal pipe bombs, propane-filled shrapnel explosives and plastic containers filled with gasoline and soap.

During a news conference Wednesday in Los Angeles, Cooper displayed illustrations taken from a dozen Web sites, giving precise instructions on how to make such deadly weapons.

“We can’t blame the government or police for what happened,” Cooper said. “It’s a matter of education, and also high time for Internet service providers to set standards for dealing with hate groups using their services.

Abraham Foxman, ADL’s national director, agreed. “Education is the only antidote we have to racism, bigotry and anti-Semitism.”

“There’s no vaccine or silver bullet,” he added.

ADL’s “World of Difference” curriculum on tolerance has reached 300,000 teachers, Foxman said, suggesting that tolerance education should be elevated to the same status given English, math and science.

The Wiesenthal Center on Wednesday sent a letter to President Clinton, urging him to recommend a national curriculum on tolerance and civility for all of America’s schools.

Some are questioning the laws that prevent police from investigating a group until a crime is committed.

“Maybe we should re-examine” such laws “within constitutional standards,” Foxman said. “We have to be a lot more creative to be proactive to find out what these groups are.”

Many others, like the local Littleton rabbi, are searching for answers.

“It’s important for us to understand this does not only happen in places we associate with violence,” said Greenspahn, who said he planned to hold a discussion about the shooting during services this weekend.

“This is not a problem of them, it’s a problem of us.”

(Contributing Editor Tom Tugend contributed to this report.)

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Too Much Man

I hadn’t even touched Moroccan soil when the friendly Royal Air Maroc flight attendant, Nabil, pressed a piece of paper on me, with a hurried whisper to call him. I looked down at the paper and saw his telephone number with a happy face and the words “call me” next to it. Was he serious? I had just wiped the jet-lag drool off the corner of my mouth, my hair was a mess, and my breath reeked of airplane green beans. In Southern California, it takes a good hair day and neatly applied makeup to get a guy to look at me, let alone give me his phone number.

Apparently, that’s not the case with Moroccan men.

As I traveled throughout the country as part of a press tour of Morocco’s Jewish community and landmarks, I soon realized that I could hardly step anywhere outside my hotel room without a pair of Moroccan male eyes on me. The hotel doormen in Casablanca, the salesmen at the Fez souks, the stranger in the Marrakech medina (old city) looked my way, even when I didn’t look my best.

I asked the local guide of Marrakech why Moroccan men were lavishing so much attention on me.

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Arthur Finkelstein’s Problem, and Ours

You’ve got to feel sorry for Arthur Finkelstein. The legendary Republican campaign consultant, slayer of liberals from North Carolina to New York, seems to have met his match this year, in Israel of all places. And all he wanted to do, he said in a recently published interview, was “be part of Jewish history.”

Being part of Jewish history, for Finkelstein, means helping Binyamin Netanyahu get elected prime minister. Finkelstein did that brilliantly back in 1996. Since then, he’s returned periodically as a trusted adviser on crisis management. Now he’s working on Netanyahu’s re-election.

But things aren’t going according to plan. The techniques that Finkelstein perfected over two decades of bruising American campaigns — principally, tarring opponents with a nasty label they can’t shake — don’t seem to be working. His client, a renowned master of the media sound bite, has been turned into a punching bag by his rivals. Some insiders are blaming “Arthur” for the looming fiasco. Finkelstein is clearly rattled.

How rattled? In a recent interview in the Israeli daily Ma’ariv, he was lashing out wildly, intemperately. “Anyone who doesn’t know me has no right to say some of the things that are being said,” he complained at one point. And at another: “Stupid people say stupid things.” Not the sophisticated talk you expect from a media master.

Finkelstein isn’t the only American unnerved by this Israeli election. Democratic consultant James Carville, who’s advising Labor Party challenger Ehud Barak, admitted to the Washington Post this month that he finds Israeli politics bewildering. “The intensity is just more than any place I’ve ever been,” he told the Post.

The bewilderment seems to have spread throughout the American political and media elite. Those who follow Israel closely are having a hard time following this election. Others are hardly trying. Most observers agree the outcome will be historic. They just can’t figure out which end is up.

The result is an eerie silence. Israel has virtually disappeared from the pages of The New York Times and other major newspapers. Television networks barely mention it. There’s not much talk about it in Washington, either. This is odd. Most Israeli elections set off a frenzy of speculation, punditry and advocacy. This time the silence is deafening.

The eeriest silence is inside the Clinton administration. Take the response to Israel’s current flirtation with Russia. With the United States at war and Russia backing the enemy, Israel’s sudden Slavic romance reportedly infuriates administration officials, from the president on down. Yet there’s been scarcely a word about it from the administration.

“Can you imagine,” says a source close to the administration, “if any other major ally — Canada, England — were carrying on like this, conducting an open romance with the enemy while America is at war? You’d see outrage. Press conferences, congressional resolutions, demonstrations outside the embassy. But when Israel does it, there’s hardly a peep. That’s what you call a ‘special relationship.'”

It’s also what you call a nervous administration.

What’s got everybody on edge is the bizarre, unpredictable nature of this election. With five candidates for prime minister and 33 parties running for Knesset, nobody has a clue what to expect.

As of now, no prime ministerial candidate will get 50 percent of the vote on May 17. That means a runoff three weeks later. Early polls suggested that in a one-on-one contest — if third-place centrist Yitzhak Mordechai were to quit — Netanyahu would win on May 17, but a second round could go to Labor’s Barak. The latest polls show the opposite: Barak in round one, Netanyahu in a runoff. Why the reversal? It’s not clear.

Increasing the confusion, the Knesset will be elected on May 17 even if the prime minister isn’t. That means that coalition negotiations can proceed during the runoff campaign. Actually, they’ve already begun. The big parties are maneuvering to set up post-May 17 coalitions. Each hopes to create a majority that will prevent a prime minister of the other party from governing. The thinking is that second-round voters will then choose a prime minister to match the Knesset. But they might do the opposite.

Nobody has been more upended by the confusion than Arthur Finkelstein. A master of the head-to-head duel, he’s made a career of electing conservatives by putting their opponents on the defensive and keeping them there. His trademark is a simple attack line, such as “hopelessly liberal” or “too liberal for too long,” endlessly repeated. The 1996 Netanyahu campaign version was “Peres Will Divide Jerusalem.”

This spring, there’s no other side to pin a label on. Instead, there’s a constantly moving target, a hall of mirrors in which threats come now from left, now right, now center. Striking back here might anger voters there. A nod to Russian immigrants, who generally favor civil marriage and burial, might offend Orthodox voters, who don’t.

This isn’t the sort of campaign Finkelstein is accustomed to, and it shows. Netanyahu, who admires and respects Finkelstein, has been running a campaign that repeatedly leaves him looking foolish. Much of the rest of the Likud leadership is in open rebellion. Finkelstein, judging by his Ma’ariv interview, is hurt, defensive and angry.

The greatest irony is that Netanyahu may well win this election, Finkelstein or no Finkelstein. The reason is the demographic strength of population groups — working-class Sephardim, Orthodox Jews, Russians — who will vote for him regardless of his image or record, because he isn’t Labor.

That fact — the deeply tribal attachment of Likud voters to the Likud, and their animosity toward Labor — is what prompted Yitzhak Mordechai and Amnon Shahak to form their Center Party. They hoped that a peace party without Labor’s baggage could unite the 75 percent of the population that supports the peace process but is divided in tribal loyalties.

What they didn’t count on was Labor voters’ tribal loyalty to Labor. The educated, affluent Ashkenazic voters who form Labor’s core constituency like to think of themselves as above such atavistic passions. They aren’t. They refused to budge. They are Israelis, and Israel is a deeply tribal society.

It’s that realization that’s stunned American friends of Israel into silence. Israel’s inner divisions have surfaced this year with a vengeance. Voters, it appears, will follow tribal loyalties over all else. This is not the Israel that Americans, Jewish and non-Jewish, were taught to admire for a half century. It’s something harsher, more foreign, deeply troubling to the American mind.

Whoever wins the election, Americans and Israelis alike have a lot of soul-searching ahead of them.


J.J. Goldberg writes a weekly column for The Jewish Journal.

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Oh What a Lovely War

You’ll pardon me for a moment if I interject a personal note here. But I have a son who is heading off soon to Albania with the expectation (which I share) we will soon send ground troops into Kosovo to save most of the people there. By then, of course, there will be few Albanians left in Kosovo to save; though, there is always the possibility that the Serb sweep will have by then spread into neighboring Montenegro, which will have its share of Albanian Moslems to rescue.

Don’t misunderstand. My son is not a soldier or a reservist. He is a different sort of volunteer: He is a photojournalist. No one is forcing him; he has options and choices. And I suppose if I thought our present military intervention in the tragic circumstances of Kosovo had been thought out, planned, or was even inescapable and urgent, I would merely be anxious, like most other parents. Instead, I find myself enraged.

So enraged that when a friend of mine who lives in the lovelier sections of Brentwood carefully explained to me why it was necessary for us to intervene with ground troops, I wanted to whirl on him and inquire how many of his sons and nephews, friends and neighbors would be risking their lives.

I wanted to yell that these are not some Team USA Olympic stars led by Michael Jordan whom we are sending to teach the Serbs how the game is really played. These are soldiers mainly from the working class, volunteers for whom the Army represents an opportunity, a second chance. It is no accident that two of the three American soldiers captured by the Serbs are Mexican Americans. I wanted to tell my friend that since ours actually is an army largely defined by class boundaries, it behooves those of us untouched by the military to be extra careful about committing other people’s lives.

I know, nothing comes free. You want an opportunity at government expense? The price: Place your life at risk when the president decides it is in our national interest.

Why is it necessary and in our national interest? My friend explains it to me carefully, as though it were a school assignment. We need to teach Slobodan Milosevic, and other dictators, a lesson. He cannot simply wreak havoc on innocent people. We need to bring stability to the Balkans. Otherwise, well, otherwise, in Russia and Turkey and Greece, who knows what will happen. We need to utilize American power, to lead the world toward peace and political morality. It’s the right thing to do. To borrow from “Seinfeld”: Yada, yada, yada.

His arguments lead me to irreverent thoughts. I want to take off my hat, place my hand over my heart and sing the national anthem. I want to tamp down the surge of moral pride and virtue that looks like it will soon overwhelm me (or at least him). I want to kick him in the shins and tell him to look carefully at recent history.

In recent years, we tried our hand at nation-building, at bringing the benefits of democracy to Bosnia, Haiti and Somalia. None of these forays resulted in workable solutions or even achieved results close to what we were seeking. I have not even mentioned the fruits of the economic and political democracy that we have urged upon the former Soviet Union.

The lessons we are intent on administering should actually be aimed more at our own policy planners than at Milosevic and the Serbs. For example, our victory in the Gulf War and the subsequent bombing of Iraq has not eliminated Saddam Hussein, nor has it convinced the Serbs (or, for that matter, the Croats, the Afghans or the Hutus) to alter their behavior. The fact is, every political situation is unique, different: in terms of national interest, political reality (read: China) and terrain. The message seems clear to me: “Lessons” in one political instance do not readily transfer elsewhere.

Then there is the matter of bombing. It is almost a military axiom: Bombing without ground troops is not effective. Nor does it divide a populace; quite the contrary. We have the experience of Britain in 1940; the fire-bombing of Dresden during World War II; Vietnam (where we did use ground troops as well); and, most recently, Iraq and Saddam Hussein. The only successful use of air power alone was in Japan, when we dropped atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It ended the war. Are we seriously proposing to drop atom bombs on Yugoslavia?

Unfortunately, there is a lesson from the past, a memory that lingers from 60 years ago, to be learned: Save the refugees, those who have been stripped bare and forced to flee to havens outside of Kosovo. Reports indicate that there are more than 600,000 who have left their homeland, with estimates of another 600,000 wandering homeless, trying to leave the country. It is they who should command our attention…and our funds. When President Clinton spoke earlier this week, he explained that he wanted $6 billion for military operations, and that $517 million would be set aside for aiding the displaced refugees. His priorities are confused.

The Israelis and the Germans have acted with dispatch and have already set up field hospitals (see story on page 20). But that barely scratches the surface. Food and shelter and medical care are in short supply and are desperately needed. As is some organization for the homeless by NATO and logistical planning. Beyond that, we probably will have to transport large numbers out of the area despite the financial and political burdens involved.

The Israelis have much to teach us here, particularly with their settling of Russian and Ethiopian immigrants. If and when a political solution is arrived at, then some/many of the refugees might be able to return home. We can decide how best to proceed with Yugoslavia once we care for the refugees. Will it entail bombing? Ground troops? Severe economic sanctions? The outline will be clearer as to our goals and policies after the images that haunt us today are removed from the headlines and the TV screens. We will then have a more focused understanding what actually is in our political interest.

We Jews apparently understand human despair; perhaps because we have had the lessons of 60 years ago imprinted on our skin. It is why our response locally (see Julie Gruenbaum Fax’s story on page 12) is so directly and solidly the correct one, from schoolchildren to the synagogues, from our Jewish Federation to the Simon Wiesenthal Center.

I am reminded that, years ago, when I lived in London, a journalist friend and I went to see the play “Oh What A Lovely War,” which had been produced and directed by Joan Littlewood. It was a biting satire about the First World War, about its pointlessness, its hollow patriotism, and the disastrous and inept behavior of the military officers and government officials waging the war.

My friend’s father had fought in that war. He had been gassed and severely wounded, and, so, perhaps for that reason, he had purchased two tickets for himself and his wife to see the play. My friend told me that once the play began his father had broken down and started weeping. Before the first act was over, he had left the theater. Would that we too could start weeping now, that we could jettison the bombing and the ground troops before the first act is over. — Gene Lichtenstein

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Rye Humor

The Marx Brothers, The Three Stooges, Jack Benny, Milton Berle, Carl Reiner, Mel Brooks, Lenny Bruce, Jackie Mason, Woody Allen and, of course, Seinfeld. The history of American comedy is the history of America’s funniest Jews. But while being Jewish and funny has never been mutually exclusive, comedians in days of yore mostly kept their Jewishness offstage. Times are changing, and with multiculturalism comes a new brand of Jewish comedian.

Recently, The Journal caught up with three comics whose Judaism informs their act and whose career informs their Judaism. Cathy Ladman quips about her intermarriage; Mark Schiff brings his comic pals to perform at an Orthodox shul fund-raiser; and Larry Miller views stand-up as Talmudic discourse.

“People think Jews are funny because we’ve been oppressed, but I shake my head very quickly and very firmly at that,” Miller says. “I say, ‘No, comedy is intrinsically Jewish and something Jews are very good at and really right for. Because we’re people of the book, word and thought.'”

Jews don’t lift weights. They ask other people, ‘Would you help me pick those up, please?’

Every New Year’s Day for the past 20 years, comedian Mark Schiff has flown to New York to have lunch with his comic best buddies Jerry Seinfeld, Paul Reiser and Larry Miller.

“We have a club that meets once a year,” Schiff explains. “It’s called ‘The Funniest Men in America.'”

Schiff has known Seinfeld and Reiser since the three hung out together every night in the comedy dives of New York in the ’70s. Like his friends, Schiff went on to regularly appear on “The Tonight Show” (he was one of Johnny Carson’s favorite comics) and to create an act that kvetches about the irritating minutia of life.

He complains about parents, grandparents, his wife. He imagines a set of “unmotivational tapes,” dispensing such advice as “Get a bottle of whiskey and a pie and go back to bed.” He describes the frustrations of shopping at a supermarket: “I can never find people who work in these stores. I was in the meat department. I saw a guy in a white coat –blood all over the thing. I said, ‘Excuse me?’ He goes, ‘I don’t work here.'”

Schiff, an observant Jew, also makes comic observations about Jews. “There are no Jewish bank robbers,” he says. “The reason is that they’d have to say, ‘Put your hands up and get on the floor.’ But Jews can’t handle that. They’d say, ‘No, no, get up, you’ll get dirty.'”

Schiff decided he wanted to become a comedian at age 12, when his parents took him to see Rodney Dangerfield perform stand-up comedy in the late 1960s. “I was mesmerized by all the laughs, the love, the attention Dangerfield was getting,” says Schiff, who grew up in a Bronx sixth-floor walk-up where “Everyone was always complaining and yelling and threatening…I never felt heard when I was a kid. I never felt understood. And I had to find a way to be understood or go crazy.”

Stand-up comedy provided the outlet, and so did Schiff’s first Showtime special, “My Crummy Childhood,” in 1993. “My mother always used to say, “Do socks belong on the floor?'” he recalls, in his act. “I can’t wait until my parents get old and they come to live with me. I’ll say to them: ‘Do teeth belong on the floor?'”

Schiff began his journey to observant Judaism 12 years ago, when an Aish HaTorah Bible class convinced him that there was a better way to fill his inner emptiness than with the fleeting attention he received onstage.

Since then, he has joined two Orthodox synagogues, Anshe Emes and B’nai David-Judea, and he has convinced the Funniest Men to perform at an Anshe Emes fund-raiser. More recently, Schiff, a former staff writer on “Mad About You,” co-wrote an episode in which Paul Reiser and Helen Hunt observe Shabbos — sort of. In the episode, the characters meet an Amish man and are inspired to experience 24 hours without electricity.

“Words are important in Judaism, so I try not to slander anybody in my act,” Schiff says. But gently complaining about his wife is OK. “I don’t see it as LaShon HaRah. I see it as a bit of kvetching so I feel better.”

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The Felon as Kingmaker

Knesset Member Arye Deri’s appeal to the Supreme Court is expected to take about a year, maybe more. Until then, there is no sign that he’s about to become anything other than what he is today — the political leader of the Shas (Sephardi ultra-Orthodox) party, and negotiator of its coalition demands, which will be put on the table after the May 17 elections.

He’s just been sentenced to four years in prison and fined 250,000 shekels (about $65,000) for bribery, fraud and breach of trust. The president and attorney general have declared him unfit for public leadership. The legal establishment and media are speaking in one loud, outraged voice to get him off the stage. Veteran political commentator Hanan Kristal speculated that “80 percent of the public, if not more” are in accord.

But the people who run the political system — with the less-than-emphatic exception of Labor leader Ehud Barak — remain unmoved.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu said he “appreciated” the court’s decision not to send Deri to prison immediately, thereby, as Netanyahu noted, “allowing Deri to continue his activities until the appeal is decided.” A source close to Netanyahu said the prime minister “will act in accordance with the law, but he’s going to interpret the law as strictly as he can so it will not impinge on his political needs.”

Challenger Yitzhak Mordechai, leader of the Center Party, said nothing at all about whether he would deal with Deri.

Barak at first indicated that Deri should step aside in the coalition talks, then, pressed by reporters, said he wouldn’t negotiate with him. At the same time, though, the Labor leader stressed that he was “convinced” Deri would take himself out of the coalition negotiations after the May 17 elections. And if Deri doesn’t withdraw, would Barak negotiate with him? he was asked. “I don’t deal in speculation,” Barak replied.

Among the prime ministerial candidates, only right-wing National Union leader Benny Begin has had a bad word to say about Deri’s behavior, and only Begin has called adamantly, repeatedly, without qualifications or niceties, for Deri’s removal from party leadership. Begin, who is running a distant fourth in the polls, accused his political rivals of “cowardice,” and of “indirectly collaborating” with Deri’s corrupt ways.

Meanwhile, Shas Knesset members and other political operatives are standing by their champion 100 percent, saying that whoever is elected prime minister will have to deal with Deri and no one else. “We’ll meet on May 17,” Deri informed Barak via a TV news interview. Deri’s claque applauded, announcing him as “the next prime minister!”

Reading out the sentence last week, Jerusalem District Court Judge Yitzhak Tsemah declared that “accepting bribes became a part of [Deri’s] way of life” while he was director-general, then minister, of Interior in the late ’80s and early ’90s. The judge also noted that Deri was the first Israeli politician ever convicting of taking bribes while serving as a government minister. “We thought that the court’s sentence was so strong, so forceful, so impressive, that we figured — what is there to say after that?” said Michael Partem, vice chairman of the Movement for Quality Government in Israel, the country’s leading public watchdog group. “The judge even quoted from the Bible on the evils of bribery,” Partem noted.

“The reaction from the political leaders is almost as bad as the corruption [on Deri’s part] itself,” he said in frustration. “We’re watching corruption extend its reach by forming political alliances.”

Even though public antipathy to Deri is overwhelming, Kristal maintained that from the point of view of realpolitik, the candidates are doing the smart thing by keeping the Deri option open. They have more to lose by upsetting the 10 percent or so of Shas voters, than by upsetting the roughly 90 percent of non-Shas voters, he explained.

“Netanyahu needs Shas supporters to get elected, and so does Mordechai. Barak knows they’re not going to vote for him, but he wants to keep them at home on the second round [runoff election for prime minister on June 1]. He doesn’t want to rile them to the point that they’ll come out just to vote against him,” Kristal said.

While the great majority of voters wish their candidates would cut all ties with Deri, this issue isn’t enough to make them change their vote; other issues, mainly the peace process, will determine how they cast their ballots, Kristal said.

Asked what it says about Israel that its political leaders can act against the presumed will of the people on such a weighty, emotional matter as the Deri affair, Kristal replied, “It shows that while Israel is a democracy, there is an island of non-democracy within it. To use a metaphor, it shows that one tea bag [Shas] changes the entire cup of water to its color, and that this color is very unsightly.”

Not only is the presumed public will being thwarted, but so is the will of the attorney general, who acts as the government’s legal adviser. “Political leaders are talking about Deri as a partner for coalition talks while keeping as silent as sheep about the gravity of his deeds,” said Attorney General Elyakim Rubinstein.

Yet Netanyahu, the head of the government, has utterly ignored Rubinstein’s urgent counsel. The only MK in the governing coalition who has added his voice to the call to boycott Deri is Likud’s Michael Eitan.

Asked if Rubinstein should quit over being disregarded on such a crucial moral issue, Dr. Arik Carmon, president of the Israel Institute of Democracy, replied: “Definitely not. By all means, he has to stay on as the guardian of the judicial system’s place in Israeli society. This should have been the job of the elected officials, but they’re afraid to do it. If Rubinstein goes, what sort of person would be appointed to take his place?”

Carmon said it was possible that public pressure could “snowball” until every prime ministerial candidate would feel compelled to declare Deri off-limits.

Partem, however, was more pessimistic. He said the only force that could dislodge Deri was Shas voters. “Deep down these people know that corruption is corruption, and that it’s inimical to their interests. The only ray of hope is that the Shas rank and file will realize that this isn’t the leadership it wants,” he said. Shas, however, is betting the opposite. On the morning after he was sentenced, Deri busied himself taping election campaign TV spots for the party he still leads — pending his Supreme Court appeal, which should be decided sometime after the millennium comes.

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If Memory Serves…

Jewish-themed cookbooks appear in a frenzy about a month before Passover, then die off by May. Mainstream cookbooks also try to cash in on the warming weather’s ability to make us imagine nectarine tarts and heirloom tomato salads, long before winter comes to the Chilean tomato export market.

Oddly enough, there’s a subtext to most of these books, and it has little to do with cooking. Many of them are only partly about good recipes; rather, they are more about good memories. They set about re-creating lost moments of a Jewish past, and found the most compelling way to do so was by writing about food. The People of the Book evidently does not live by words alone.

* In “A Drizzle of Honey” (St. Martin’s, $29.95), authors David M. Gitlitz and Linda Kay Davidson use diaries and other historical texts to uncover the traditions and recipes of 15th- and 16th-century Spain’s Crypto-Jews — Jews forced to convert to Catholicism who nevertheless preserved their Jewish traditions. The result is more fascinating as cultural history than it is useful as a cookbook, but the stories poignantly reveal how, by keeping food traditions alive, these Jews maintained their identity.

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Swift Response

With echoes of the Holocaust and pogroms haunting a collective conscience, the Jewish community in Los Angeles has mobilized forces to come to the aid of Kosovar refugees left homeless and hungry by Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic.

Schools, synagogues and organizations have moved into action over the past few weeks, putting aside political opinions and historical complexities to send basic necessities — food, shelter, medicine — to the sea of ethnic Albanian refugees flooding Albania and Macedonia.

About $100,000 has come out of Los Angeles to support the Joint Distribution Committee’s operations in the region, according to John Fishel, executive vice president of the Jewish Federation. About $50,000 came through the Federation, while he estimates another $50,000 went directly to JDC, which is set up to provide food, clothing, shelter and medicine for the masses of refugees as well as for the Jewish residents of the area.

The Federation and the Jewish Community Foundation energized the fund-raising with an initial donation of $10,000 from a disaster relief fund. Other donations began to flow after the Federation also asked the Board of Rabbis of Southern California to urge its 250 member rabbis to appeal to their congregations.

The Simon Wiesenthal Center Museum of Tolerance announced last week that it has purchased a mobile medical unit equipped to aid 54,000 refugees, along with enough money to support four months of operation.

“It is impossible for an institution such as ours to remain indifferent to the plight of tens of thousands that have been driven from their homes and seen their lives destroyed,” said Rabbi Marvin Hier, dean of the center, which is dedicated to Holocaust remembrance and defense of human rights.

The brutal imagery so familiar to the Jewish community — convoys of refugees, families separated, villages burning — has been a major force behind the emotional response.

Still, many are wary of drawing parallels to the Holocaust, saying that the Kosovo crisis does not compare to Hitler’s attempt to systematically annihilate a people.

But Hier says the question is irrelevant, that with such a massive humanitarian crisis at hand, there is no room for such debate.

“This is not a question of whether or not the tragedy of Kosovo equals Auschwitz,” Hier said. “Nobody can say Auschwitz and Kosovo are one and the same.”

But, he says, no matter the intensity of the persecution, our history and tradition call upon us to act. “We ought to protest it and do what we can to alleviate suffering.”

Whatever the degree of similarity to the Holocaust or pogroms, the Jewish community clearly empathizes with the Kosovars, collectively cringing at the eerily familiar scenes in refugee camps and border crossings.

The fact that the crisis coincided with Yom Hashoah, when the always-present impact of the Holocaust is brought into sharp focus, seems to have further cemented that empathy.

At the community Yom Hashoah commemoration in Pan Pacific Park last week, several speakers took the opportunity to encourage the Jewish community to act.

Many rabbis also used the Yizkor appeal on Passover — a time when victims of the Holocaust are remembered by family members — to appeal to congregants to support the refugees.

At Valley Beth Shalom in Encino, congregants responded generously and immediately to Rabbi Harold Schulweis’ appeal, plunking down $6,000 the next day, with more to follow.

“They understand the language of sealed box cars, and the homelessness and hunger that people are experiencing,” Schulweis said.

Students at Milken Community High School evoked those images at a town meeting about the Kosovo crisis. Candles lined the auditorium aisles, and students wore blue ribbons to show solidarity with the refugees. Several students walked across the stage, stopping in the middle to give their personal reasons for supporting the refugees.

“I do this for my grandfather who died in concentration camp,” one said. “We do this so no child will be forced to leave his hometown,” another said.

According to Laurie Bottoms, director of General Studies at Milken, the tone of this town meeting was set by the students. Since a town meeting a few weeks ago about the history and geography of the Balkans, many students seemed to have internalized the crisis, relating it to the Holocaust and pogroms, Bottoms said.

While some students expressed ambivalence about the military action, all were ready to donate their lunch money or allowance to support the refugees.

The students sent around plastic bags to collect donations, and about 20 bags came back stuffed with dollar bills, Bottoms said.

Many synagogues have taken a similar tack, holding educational forums and, at the same time, soliciting funds for the refugees.

Adat Shalom in Westwood held an informational panel last Shabbat, dealing in part with the fact that it was the Serbs who helped the Jews during the Holocaust, while the Kosovar Albanians aligned themselves with Germany.

The forum, said Rabbi Michael Resnick, aimed to help congregants wrestle with the issues when “we are faced with a humanitarian crisis where the people being persecuted were not friends of the Jews 50 years ago,” he said. At the same time, the response to the humanitarian crisis must be decisive, he said.

In addition to the funds he solicited in a personal mailing to congregants, he is hoping his congregation will be able to adopt a refugee family.

Schulweis, of Valley Beth Shalom, has little patience for those in the Jewish community who look to the history of the Kosovars during World War II to justify inaction.

“That is in fact visiting the sins of another generation upon this generation, and it seems to me we have long ago overcome that,” Schulweis said. “There is nothing in our history or tradition that would countenance that kind of rationalization.”

Rather, he said, World War II history indicates that this is a time for action, and for the Jewish community to support that action.

“My hunch is that those of us who remember the frustration that we experienced in the 1940s when Allied bombers did not rip up the railroad tracks to Auschwitz… are especially appreciative of what the NATO countries are doing.”

The American Jewish Committee has taken ads in major international papers expressing just that idea.

“When history asks who stood up to evil in Kosovo, the answer will be: NATO,” a bold headline reads. The ad, part of an international educational campaign to garner support for NATO, also acknowledges Serbia’s history, stating Milosevic has “led Serbia to betray its proud anti-Nazi legacy.”

“The American Jewish Committee feels strongly that what is going on in Kosovo isn’t about oil or commerce or trading routes or anything. What is at stake here are basic principles like human rights and human dignity,” said Rachel Devon Schwartz, who is in charge of the international portfolio at the West Coast office of the American Jewish Committee.

The ads and a mail campaign have helped raise $500,000 for the AJC’s Kosovo Relief Fund, Schwartz said.

Apart from raising money, many in the Jewish community are raising their voices in prayer.

At Congregation Shaarei Tefila in Los Angeles, Rabbi Yehoshua Berkowitz recited a “Mi Sheberach,” a prayer for well-being, for the three American soldiers captured by the Serbs, as well as for the refugees. Rabbi Gordon Bernat-Cunin, director of Jewish Studies at Milken High School, led a prayer group for students, taking his cue from Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, who wrote a piece titled “Pray to be Shocked.”

“One of the purposes of prayer is to overcome a certain lethargy, to break through the everyday,” Bernat-Cunin said.

“Different people are revolted by different things, and at a certain point you just shut down, you can only handle so much. And yet on the other hand it’s a challenge to try to be open and receptive and responsive and empathetic,” Bernat-Cunin said, citing Heschel. Adults as well as students, he said, need to look inside and “be responsible for as much as you
can handle.”


Donations to aid refugees can be sent to:

JDC — Kosovo

Relief Fund

711 3rd Ave.

10th Floor,

New York, N.Y. 10017.

Swift Response Read More »

An Israeli Mission

Soaring above the sea of green and white canvas tents in the dusty, wind-swept Stenkovec refugee camp in Macedonia are a handful of Israeli flags. It is a jarring sight whose incongruity is compounded by the fact that just a stone’s throw away are the Germans.

Approximately 700,000 Albanians from Kosovo are said to have been uprooted in the past month — and Israel filled a critical void in neighboring Macedonia by setting up an army field hospital for refugees. A second medical facility followed within a week, operated by the German Red Cross.

It’s unsurprising, perhaps, that the two nations most familiar with ethnic cleansing have felt the greatest moral obligation to act. But that they are doing it in tandem has struck an emotional chord in at least one German team member.

“This is so touching for me, as a German, to be working so closely with the Israelis,” said Joachim Gardemann, dean of the nursing school at the University of Munster in Germany. “There are so many historical, diplomatic and ethical linkages here — the Israelis as victims, the Germans as murderers — that it makes me happy for us to cooperate to help a population in danger because of ethnic conflict.”

Indeed, for many Jews, the gut reaction to Kosovo has been one of horror that the world is witnessing yet another attempt at genocide. But Israelis on the ground say they see the situation more clearly.

“That this is happening in Europe, in 1999, is unbelievable,” said Dan Engelhard, a pediatrician and army reservist who also served in Israeli field hospitals in Cambodia and Rwanda. “But you can’t compare this with the Holocaust. No way. The Nazis tried to kill every Jew. However, when we see these pictures of Albanians forced out of their homes and into trains, it certainly reminds us of the Holocaust.”

Imbued with such memories, Israeli rapid reaction to crisis has become a niche of sorts.

In addition to setting up hospitals in Cambodia in 1979 and Rwanda in 1994, Israel sent a rescue team to Kenya after the terrorist bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi last year.

Gardemann, who proudly displays a red Star of David pin given him by his Israeli colleagues, touts them as “world champions” of army field hospitals.

But that is a dubious distinction, indeed. It is a specialty borne out of necessity, say the Israelis, what with so many wars and grisly terrorist acts in the Jewish state’s 51 years of existence.

“One of the greatest things about Israeli society is our ability to improvise and be creative,” said Ron Maor, a 14-year army surgeon who also served in Nairobi. “If something urgent needs to be done, we don’t need a lot of bureaucracy to do it. For a country almost continuously at war, we can’t afford the luxury of being surprised or caught unprepared for any mission.”

By any yardstick, the Israeli reaction to Kosovo was lightning quick. On March 24, NATO launched its bombardment of Yugoslavia — a federation of two republics, Serbia and Montenegro. It was aimed at curbing the repression of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, Serbia’s southern province. In response, Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic accelerated the emptying of Kosovo, where 90 percent of the 2 million inhabitants had been Albanian. The vast majority of them are Moslem, in contrast with the mostly Orthodox Serbs.

Within days of the air assault, Albanians were on the move en masse, heading mostly south and southwest into the impoverished countries of Macedonia and Albania.

Macedonia, a nation of 2 million, now wheezes under the strain of more than 200,000 refugees, while Albania’s more than 3 million citizens, the poorest in Europe, cope with 400,000 refugees.

It wasn’t long before the flow overwhelmed local authorities and international relief agencies. They appealed for help.

On April 4, the Israeli Cabinet made a snap decision to contribute a field hospital for two weeks, at a cost of roughly $1.3 million.

Two officials from the Israeli Embassy in Athens were dispatched north to Macedonia to lay the groundwork. The next day, the Macedonian officials advised them to set up shop at Stenkovec — 10 miles north of Skopje, the Macedonian capital, but within sight of Kosovo’s snow-capped Shara Mountain range, located 20 miles farther north.

At that time, however, the camp housed only 2,000 refugees. So the Israelis were a bit mystified.

“They assured us that within a week, there would be 30,000 refugees,” said Jacob Dayan, one of the two Israeli coordinators and the No. 2 at the Athens embassy. “But just two or three days later, we were already up to 30,000.”

With a site secured, Dayan gave the thumbs-up to the Israeli Defense Forces. Six IDF cargo airplanes were soon airborne, laden with pieces of the hospital, plus blankets and tents. It arrived on April 6, and the entire Israeli contingent of 80 — including doctors, nurses and medics; some of them army staff, others reserves — worked feverishly through the night, erecting the hospital.

By 2 p.m. the next day, they were open for business.

Working round-the-clock, the Israelis treat about 200 patients a day, including refugees bused in from the 10 refugee camps scattered around Macedonia.

And while the Stenkovec camp itself is wracked with commotion, sunrise to sunset, the hospital compound, set on the camp’s western edge, is almost surreal in its order and tranquillity. Under its drab-green tents, the setting is straight out of the television series “M*A*S*H.”

There is room for 100 beds, and each tent serves a special purpose — emergency room, surgery, X-rays, laboratory, etc. What they lack, the Israelis say, is medicine and facilities to treat chronic illnesses, such as heart disease, epilepsy and diabetes.

But the tent drawing the most attention — including a steady stream of journalists from around the world — is the pediatric ward. As of Sunday, the Israeli team had already delivered 11 babies. Among them is 1-week-old Sara Berisha, whose Albanian Moslem mother gave her a Jewish name out of gratitude to her Israeli doctors.

But that celebration was fleeting. On April 15, twin 3-month-old boys arrived in the camp, suffering severe malnutrition and respiratory infection. Serb forces had flushed them from their homes two weeks earlier, leaving their parents no choice but to hide in Kosovo’s hills. Lacking milk, they were fed only tea and cookies.

They now lie in an Israeli army incubator in critical condition. But they weigh less than when they were born, and their tiny chests heave uncontrollably.

Monitoring their condition is Yael Goldman, a 20-year-old army medic. She also delivered Sara Berisha.

“In Israel, we feel helpless watching this on television,” said Goldman, who is on her first mission abroad. “Jews have been through so much hatred, it’s difficult to watch it happening to others. So when I was given an opportunity to help, I felt I had to do something.”

But there’s just so much she and her colleagues can do. At the Stenkovec camp, busloads of hungry, traumatized Albanians arrive daily. The food line is never less than hundreds deep. Scores of refugees crowd the various message boards, desperate for information on missing relatives.

Making matters worse, there are no portable toilets, only holed-out wood planks across large pits; the scent of human waste pervades the camp. In a murky stream nearby, men bathe, kids swim and women wash clothes.

For now, the weather is still cool, with intermittent rain and sunshine. But as the temperature warms, there will likely be epidemics such as measles, polio and dysentery, said pediatrician Engelhard, a professor at Hadassah-Hebrew University Medical Center in Jerusalem.

Macedonian officials and relief agencies have been slow to provide good sanitation and immunization; without it, children in particular are vulnerable to diarrhea, vomiting, and skin infections, he said.

But the Israelis won’t be around to see it. Their two-week mandate expires soon, and they were expected to ship out Thursday.

However, they leave knowing the Kosovo refugees are in good hands — the Germans and a newly arrived team
from Taiwan will take over hospital care.

“These refugees are luckier than my grandparents were in Poland and Hungary during the war,” said Maor, the army surgeon. “When they were thrown into ghettoes, no one cared. At least for the Albanians, there’s an international effort to help them.”

An Israeli Mission Read More »

Too Close to Call

Fangs bared and chests thrust out, the competitors stepped into the ring and proceeded to demolish each other in ways both fair and unfair.

Was it the World Wrestling Federation? No, just another debate on Valley secession.

Last week, the Anti-Defamation League invited representatives of both sides of the secession issue to speak on the Valley’s favorite topic at Adat Ari El in North Hollywood. About 65 people attended. Representing the “pro” side were Jeff Brain, president of Valley Voters Organized Toward Empowerment (VOTE) and Earl Greinetz, the current president of the Jewish Home for the Aging and past president of the Jewish Federation’s Valley Alliance. Speaking against secession were Los Angeles City Councilman Michael Feuer and H. Eric Schockman, Ph.D., an associate dean at the University of Southern California.

The debate got off to a lively start when a heckler interrupted Aaron Levinson, director of the ADL’s Valley office, during his introductory run-down of the organization’s current projects.

“I thought we were here to learn about secession — what’s this got to do with it?” asked the man, setting the tone of the evening for the “Just the facts, please” crowd.

Facts can be tough to get at when emotions run high, however. Feuer began by saying he felt secession was wrong for Los Angeles as a whole and for L.A. Jews in particular.

“We have a principle that says, ‘Don’t separate yourself from the community,'” Feuer said. “I agree the Valley should be seeking better services from the city of Los Angeles. The question is not if the desire is appropriate, but what way should that desire be achieved?

Too Close to Call Read More »