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October 22, 2015

An oasis of hope amidst the turmoil

Another convulsion of sectarian violence has swept Israel and Palestine these past weeks shattering lives and inculcating dread between Jewish and Arab communities. On smart phones, Jewish teens replay videos of stabbings and car attacks. Palestinian parents sequester their children indoors, frightened they might be arrested or killed. Returning from work in West Jerusalem’s hotels and construction sites, some Palestinians wear yarmulkes hoping to pass as Jews.

Yet among the grim news was a glimmer of hope; a gathering of like-minded souls to express their dream of a peaceful coexistence. In Wadi Ara, near Megiddo Intersection – where looms the archeological mound made famous by James Michner’s novel The Source  – hundreds of Arab and Jewish Israelis came together for a meeting of hearts and minds at The Tent of Peace, organized by Yaniv Sagee, the director of Givat Haviva, a nonprofit institute awarded the UNESCO Prize for Peace Education for promoting Jewish-Arab dialogue and reconciliation.

All week long, individuals and parents with children from nearby Arab villages and Jewish towns arrived at the impromptu pavilion overlooking fields and hills of Alajun, an area once populated by Palestinians who fled or were driven out during the 1948 War of Independence. Many of the descendants of the former inhabitants now live in villages along Wadi Ara.

Buada Awsaf, an outspoken woman from one of these villages, Jabareen Mushayrifa, arrived with a large banana leaf on which she had written: “To Educate the Next Generation in Respect, Patience and Love. Only Love will be Victorious.” An Arab man, Abed U Salifeh, in charge of security in the vicinity, and his friend who has a doctorate in music, were engaged in intense conversation with three Jewish women, Tali and Ester, from Moledet, and Edna from Kibbutz Gazit. The three women had been involved this past spring with a group called Women Cooking for Peace; Arab and Jewish woman met in each other’s homes to share food, to get to know each other and discuss their lives. 

Gila Dayan from Kibbutz Ein Hashofet, who also participated in the cooking group, explained, “Except for a couple women who worked in our senior home on the kibbutz, I had little contact with Arabs. In our women’s group it was difficult to listen to the other side of the conflict, to hear a rather different story than what we had been taught.” Since then, Gila has been teaching English to the twelve-year-old son of Abir, an Arab woman who had also been in the cooking group.

On Friday, October 16, the day after a reprehensible murder – an African asylum seeker, Haftom Zarfum, was mistaken for a terrorist and shot by a security guard, then stomped to death by a Jewish lynch mob at the Beersheva bus station — some 120 people gathered at the Tent of Peace and divided into sharing circles to explain why they bothered to come to the event. One Jewish woman stood up and said, “My children are afraid to get on the bus to take them to school. The majority of the populations from both sides want peace, but we have little voice in the face of our intransient leaders.”

Monerah, dressed in traditional Palestinian full-length dress and head scarf, shared that she was afraid to go to Afula for her doctor’s appointment for fear that someone might shoot her. When she finally did go, she brought a tiny purse with just her cell phone and wallet, so that the security guards wouldn’t think she might be carry a bomb; regardless they still stopped her and asked to check her “bag.” 

Wearing a white shirt with a yarmulke, Yossi from Kfar Tabor, shared that he volunteers in a hospital emergency room where 90% of the patients are Arabs. “We generally have so little contact with Arabs, and when we do it is often shrouded with fear and suspicion,” he said, “But when I’m helping in the emergency waiting room, people are frightened, exposed and open and it is a wonderful opportunity to get to know Arabs better.” 

In addition to endless personal stories, the general consensus expressed was that economic and educational equality, cooperation, and understanding are essential to creating a more viable, peaceful society, and that the Israeli government and Palestinian authorities must sign a lasting accord. Otherwise periodic surges of violence will continue to erupt 

An example of cooperation was shared by Galiah Sagee, who works at Hand in Hand (Yad v’Yad) a bilingual Arabic and Hebrew school with 260 pupils. Each class has two teachers, and from the first grade children learn to speak both languages. A half dozen bilingual schools exist in Israel, but the Hand in Hand school in Kfar Kara is the only one situated in an Arab village. “Many Jewish parents would be mortified to everyday put their young children on a bus headed into an Arab village, Despite trepidation, the parents and students see their bilingual education as an important personal statement,” Galiah explained.

Culminating Friday’s event, the Jewish and Palestinian Israelis participants stretched out along the busy highway holding signs reading: “Jews and Arabs Refuse to Concede Shared Lives” and “Arabs and Jews Demand: Cooperation, Equality and Security.” Despite some gestures of and yells of antipathy, many drivers honked in support, others slowed down and took photos on their cell phones. Edna, from Kibbutz Gazit said, “If we don’t have the courage to stand here and to speak out, then nothing will ever change, and this violence will continue on and on.”

Bill Strubbe, a native to Northern California, made aliyah to Israel in September to live on Kibbutz Ein Hashofet.

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Paul Ryan announces candidacy for House Speaker

Republican congressman Paul Ryan formally announced his candidacy for speaker of the House of Representatives on Thursday after he nailed down crucial endorsements from Republican factions.

Ryan earlier this week said he was open to replacing retiring House Speaker John Boehner, but only if he could win the unified backing of his divided party colleagues in the House. By Thursday afternoon he had gathered support from conservative and moderate Republican groups.

“I believe we are ready to move forward as a one, united team. And I am ready and eager to be our speaker,” Ryan wrote in a letter to fellow lawmakers. Republicans are scheduled to nominate a new speaker on Oct. 28, with a vote by the full House on Oct. 29.

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Most religious Zionists want Arabs out of Israel, study finds

During the previous wave of terror in Israel, 11 months ago, Jewish Home party chairman Naftali Bennett said in a speech, “99.9 percent of Arab-Israelis are loyal to the State of Israel, and there’s a very small minority that acts against it.”

Apparently, his religious Zionist constituency disagrees.

A new poll by the Miskar agency, which surveys Israel’s religious Zionist population, found high levels of antagonism and mistrust toward Arab-Israelis. Contrary to polls of Arab-Israelis themselves, most religious Zionists believe that Arab-Israelis are hostile to Israel. A large majority see Arab-Israelis as a threat and would like to see the government push them to leave the country.

“The religious Zionist sector takes very extreme and unequivocal positions in terms of Israeli Arabs’ loyalty to the state, their posing an immediate and long-term security danger, and the need, therefore, for declarations of loyalty and a prepared plan for [population] transfer,” the poll’s analysis section read.

The pollsters surveyed 480 religious Zionists — defined by Jewish observance level and self-identification. The margin of error was 4.5 percent. Here’s a closer look at some of the major findings.

Religious Zionists view Arab-Israelis as an existential threat to the country. Four-fifths of religious Zionists believe Muslim Arab-Israelis are hostile to Israel and its Jewish citizens. Nearly 70 percent believe they pose a short-term existential threat to Israel, and 84 percent believe they pose a long-term existential threat. Less than one-fifth believe Arab-Israelis oppose violence and want to integrate into Israeli society.

These findings contradict the stated feelings of Arab-Israelis. According to a 2014 Israel Democracy Institutepoll, nearly 60 percent of Arab-Israelis “feel part of the State of Israel and its problems.” Nearly two-thirds feel proud to be an Israeli. Forty percent say integrating Jews and Arabs should be Israel’s top priority.

Most religious Zionists want Arab-Israelis to leave. A majority of religious Zionists support reopening a public discussion about the forced transfer of Arab-Israelis from the state. Three-quarters want the government to prepare a practical plan to encourage Muslim Arab-Israelis to emigrate. And should Arab Muslims stay in Israel, two-thirds of religious Zionists believe they should have to swear a loyalty oath to the state.

Most religious Zionists boycott Arab businesses. Seventy percent of religious Zionists support a boycott of Arab businesses. Less than 38 percent believe economic cooperation between Arab and Jewish Israelis is important.

Religious Zionists don’t believe Israel is racist toward Arabs. Only one-third of religious Zionists believe Arab-Israelis face significant racism. Only 17 percent believe Arab Muslims have difficulty integrating because of discrimination. And only 30 percent believe Arab-Israeli communities suffer from a lack of government investment, despite research showing that Israeli Jews receive greater government investment per capita than Arabs.

According to theIsrael Democracy Institute poll, a majority of Arabs-Israelis do feel discriminated against.

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Eat 4 the Sake of Jerusalem — Crowdfunding to help Israeli businesses in face of terror campaign

Our brothers and sisters in Israel, and especially Jerusalem, are in the midst of a vicious wave of terror attacks — and for people living in the Diaspora it is hard to know how to help. What you need to do now is “>Visit Eat 4 the Sake of Jerusalem | Jewcer

This has to be one of the best conceived ways to ACT to help our brothers and sisters in Jerusalem today.

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Yogi Berra’s passing thoughts on Middle East peace

Jerusalem — Yogi Berra’s death failed to make the news here, which is understandable, because he wasn’t known to Israelis. Except for the Americans who have moved here, Israelis don’t follow baseball, and care not a whit about Yogi’s playing career or his place in American lore as a pre-eminent philosopher. Which is a shame, because they could learn a lot from what Yogi had to say.

Most of the obits today fall into two categories: Those found on the sports pages talk about him as a New York Yankees legend behind the mask, an unpretentious three-time MVP and 15-time All Star. A Hall of Famer. Whether you are a fan or a foreigner, you need know only one thing to put his 18-year occupation as catcher in perspective: Yogi Berra, and Yogi alone, holds the record for a player winning the most pennants and most championships, 14 and 10.

The baseball obits also refer to his beloved cartoon caricature appearance and his affable personality. But don't let those jug ears and simian posture fool you: Yogi was someone who understood the national pastime intuitively, a baseball savant. Contrary to his own insight – “In baseball, you don’t know nothin’ ” – Yogi always knew what to do on a ball field, smart enough to win pennants as a manager in both the American and National leagues – one of only seven to do so. Yogi was a winner, and nothing more need be said.

The second manner of obit focuses on his fortune-cookie philosophies, his personal brand of inspirational wisdom. Yogi-isms they’re called, the witty, self-contradictory or redundant malapropisms, proverbs, and cryptic aphorisms that tumbled out of his mouth and became famous.

To be sure, this original Yogi Bear did say many funny things, but not intentionally. As Joe Garagiola, his friend of 80 years, wrote in the forward to The Yogi Book: I Really Didn't Say Everything I Said!: “Fans have labeled Yogi Berra ‘Mr. Malaprop,’ but I don't think that's accurate. He doesn't use the wrong words. He just puts words together in ways nobody else would ever do.” 

To wit:

“Always go to other people's funerals; otherwise they won't go to yours.”

“Why buy good luggage? You only use it when you travel.”

“Nobody goes there anymore. It's too crowded.”

Pair up in threes.”

“If people don't want to come to the ballpark, how are you going to stop ’em?”

“A nickel ain't worth a dime anymore.”

“If the world were perfect, it wouldn’t be.”

Despite his gnarled syntax sentences of muddled form and function, Yogi’s insightful social philosophy is nevertheless acknowledged, assuring him iconic status in cultural Americana. Yogi should be buried on the front lawn of the Smithsonian.

Where he fails to receive credit, however, is his work as a political theorist and pundit. Yogi was not just serving up endless and eternal truths as a social philosopher; he was also a neo-conservative scholar with an innate understanding of the geo-political Middle East reality. Yogi knew what was happening. Thus while he may not have actually engaged in assessing foreign policy, his profound aphorisms perfectly apply. So what if he sounded goofy?

“It was hard to have a conversation with anyone; there were so many people talking.”

Welcome to the peace talks.

“There are some people who, if they don't already know, you can't tell ’em.”

And there’s no point in arguing with ’em. That’s the real reason it’s hard to have a conversation with anyone on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

I wish I had an answer to that, because I'm tired of answering that question.”

The thought that goes through the mind of every minister, diplomat and functionary at every news conference in Jerusalem. When was the last time any of them admitted an original thought?

“I never said most of the things I said,” and, “Half the lies they tell about me aren't true.”

Deniability is key to engaging in the talks.

“If you ask me a question I don't know, I'm not going to answer.”

Obviously, Yogi never listened to Israeli morning radio.

“You can observe a lot by watching.”

What Yogi meant to say was: “You can learn a lot from observing.” Or maybe he really meant what he said: Watch. Listen. Pay attention. Israelis have been watching and observing, and they understand what they see. They observed how leaving Lebanon in 2000 yielded Hezbollah, and war in 2006; they observed how leaving Gaza in 2005 led to war in 2008 and 2014, and they know war is coming again on both fronts. And on the horizon they watch ISIS, and Iran going nuclear.

“It gets late early out there.”

Yogi might have been talking about the left-field shadows at Yankee Stadium, but he was also mimicking what everybody pushing the peace process pronounces: this is the best time to make the deal because the status quo is unsustainable, and it’ll only get later and darker faster, from here on out. It is, they like to argue, getting late very quickly.

It's not too far; it just seems like it is.”

That’s another argument they like to use, to keep the talks going.

“We made too many wrong mistakes.”

Sitting around the kitchen table, the only debate among Israelis is choosing between the lesser of two evils: do we go for the bad option, or the worse one? And if that’s the choice, then either pick is a mistake. In hindsight, perhaps it was too many bad choices, and not enough worse ones.

“When you come to a fork in the road, take it.”

Those were the bad choices taken.

“We're lost, but we're making good time.”

That’s what the delusional say about the peace process, and its illusion of progress. But if you’re already making too many wrong mistakes, rushing ahead only means making more of them.

“If you don't know where you're going, you might not get there.”

Yogi’s explicit warning.

The future ain't what it used to be.”

Duh. Once upon a time the future held out hope. A new summit, a new plan, a new president, a new prime minister – everybody hustling to push the “peace process” forward. But that’s all it ever was: motion, not movement, and motion without movement means doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result. Wasn’t that Einstein's definition of insanity? Or was that stupidity? Yogi, of course, said it simpler: 

It's déjà vu all over again.”

No kidding. Yogi understood how hard, how impossible, the whole thing is: “In the Middle East, you don’t know nothin’.”

Finally, for the absolutely unversed, his most famous tautology:

“It ain't over till it’s over.”

This speaks to the frustrations in all of us. Yogi, the eternal optimist, the endearing and enduring philosopher, calls to us from his grave not to lose hope. For Yogi, it’s over. For us – it ain’t.

Elli Wohlgelernter is a veteran journalist in Israel. A similar version of this column originally appeared in the Jewish Week of New York.

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Anthropologists assess whether a boycott of Israel is necessary

The American Anthropological Association released a report that assessed whether an academic boycott of Israel is appropriate.

The report issued earlier this month levels severe criticism at Israeli policy in the occupied territories and claims that Arabs are discriminated against at Israeli universities, Haaretz reported. The document left a number of potential options for action up in the air.

One option the report suggests is an academic boycott of “selected” Israeli institutions. Other suggestions included a refusal to allow representatives from Israeli universities to attend conferences held by the American Anthropological Association, or AAA; a ban on AAA members serving as visiting professors at Israeli universities; a refusal to work on academic projects funded by the Israeli government; and to encourage AAA members to refuse to give faculty at Israeli universities letters of recommendation.

Outside of a direct boycott, the report also suggested offering scholarships to Palestinian lecturers and students; issuing a statement of censure to the Israeli government; lobbying the U.S. government to push for changes in Israeli policy; and providing travel bursaries for visiting scholars at Palestinian universities.

The report was compiled after 1,100 anthropologists signed a petition to boycott Israel in August of last year. In describing their reasons for signing, the Anthropologists for the Boycott of Israeli Academic Institutions cited “Israel’s ongoing, systematic, and widespread violations of Palestinian academic freedom and human rights.” The AAA then set up a task force to determine whether the organization should take a position on the matter and if so, what action should be taken, Haaretz reported.

“The main complaint of Palestinian academics within Israel about their Jewish colleagues in anthropology is not that they have actively collaborated with the occupation, but that they have done little to explicitly oppose it, especially as a collective community,” the report stated. However, it also mentioned that in June the Israeli Anthropological Association adopted a resolution that condemned the occupation, as well as the boycott.

The report also acknowledged that AAA members looking to complete anthropological research in Israel and Palestine would be “significantly affected.”

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Berkeley commission rejects Israel divestment resolution

A Berkeley, California, commission rejected a resolution to divest from companies that do business with Israel.

The Berkeley City Human Welfare and Community Action Commission voted 5-2 against the resolution, with one abstention, on Wednesday night.

City Attorney Zach Cowan said the issue was not within the purview of the commission, which generally addresses issues of local poverty, the San Jose Mercury News reported.

In September, Berkeley City Councilman Darryl Moore removed commissioner Cheryl Davila, who he appointed, from her position over the divestment proposal. Davila was removed just before the panel took up the issue at its Sept. 16 meeting.

Moore reportedly said he asked his commissioners to discuss with him any controversial issues they were working on. Davila worked on the resolution for nearly a year without discussing it with Moore, the Mercury News said.

Yitzhak Santis, the chief programs officer at NGO Monitor, a Jerusalem-based research institute that monitored the resolution’s progress, called the defeat “a major failure for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign and a testament to the herculean efforts of Israel’s friends in the Bay Area.”

Johanna Wilder of StandWithUs, a pro-Israel group, spoke at the commission meeting.

“BDS activists attempted to hijack the commission to further their narrow, political, extremist agenda, but the commissioners refused to succumb to this pressure and defeated the resolution,” said Wilder, associate director of the group’s Northern California region.

Organizations that appeared at the meeting in support of the resolution included Jewish Voice for Peace, the American Friends Service Committee and the Middle East Children’s Alliance.

The Jewish Community Relations Commission of San Francisco was among the organizations that mobilized against the resolution.

 

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The mufti’s hotel was just ranked the best in the Middle East (yes, that mufti)

This week we learned that the grand mufti of Jerusalem gave Hitler the idea for the Final Solution — or at least that Israel’s prime minister believes that.

But it turns out that Palestinian nationalist Haj Amin al-Husseini was not merely a notorious anti-Zionist and anti-Semite: He was also a talented hotel builder responsible in part for the acclaimed Waldorf Astoria Jerusalem.

The luxury hotel the mufti built — which has since been refurbished considerably and is under new management — was just named top hotel in the Middle East and seventh in the world in the Conde Nast Traveler’s annual Readers’ Choice Awards.

According to the Times of Israel, the Waldorf Astoria Jerusalem, previously the Palace Hotel, opened in 2014 following a $50 million refurbishment. The original hotel, located in western Jerusalem, near Independence Park, was empty for years, then used for government offices by both the British Mandate and Israel — and then vacant again.

Citing a recent Israeli TV report, the Times of Israel said Israel’s pre-state Haganah planted listening devices in the hotel’s chandeliers to spy on meetings of Britain’s Peel Commission held from late 1936 to mid-1937.

Jerusalem’s Mamilla Hotel and King David Hotel also made the Middle East top 10 list .

According to GoJerusalem, a tourism website, the Palace was built in 1928-29 “under the order of Jerusalem’s Supreme Muslim Council and supervised by the infamous mufti of Jerusalem.”

The engineer supervising the hundreds of Arab workers was Jewish and a Haganah member (facilitating the spying incident later). But, GoJerusalem writes, the Palace didn’t stay in business long:

Due to a hardcore rivalry, much deceit (during the excavation, it was revealed that the site was an old Muslim cemetery – the Mufti covered this up) and a dash of sabotage between the British-appointed Arab mayor and the mufti, the hotel was destined to fail. Management of the hotel was handed over to a local corrupt hotelier, but it was eventually forced to close its doors once the King David opened down the block.

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I was held in Iran for 13 months: This is why I think Jason Rezaian may be freed

Everything that's been happening to Jason Rezaian and his family over the past 15 months feels familiar.

Jason Rezaian is a journalist. I'm also a journalist.

Rezaian is from Marin County, Calif. My home is right next door in Oakland, Calif.

I was arrested in 2009 along with my two companions, Shane Bauer and Josh Fattal – while hiking somewhere near Iran's unmarked Western border. I was on vacation from my home in Damascus, Syria.

Rezaian was arrested on July 22, 2014. He is an Iranian-American who was working legally in Iran as the Washington Post's Tehran bureau chief.

He was vaguely accused of some sort of espionage, with no evidence ever provided to the public to back that up. Guess what? My friends and I were also vaguely accused of some sort of espionage, with no evidence

My friends and I did nothing wrong. Jason Rezaian has done nothing wrong.

Yet, we were all punished: held incommunicado by the Iranian government in arbitrary, solitary detention – myself for over 13 months, Rezaian for over 15 months now, and my friends for over two years.

So, yes, these cases fit a pattern – not just the arrest, dubious charges and the blatant illegality of imprisonment. It's also often the release that fits that pattern.

Last week Rezaian was found guilty in a closed court. It's not clear for what or for how long – but we do know that Rezaian was sentenced.

After more than two years in prison Shane, now my husband, and our friend Josh were released just two weeks after being convicted and sentenced to eight years for espionage.

In 2009 Roxana Saberi, another wrongfully convicted Iranian-American journalist, was held for over three months, given an eight-year sentence for espionage, then released less than a month later.

So the pattern goes: illegal arrest, allegations of espionage, lengthy, high-profile imprisonment, show trial, conviction, then “humanitarian” release.

Is the Iranian government gearing up for Rezaian's release?

The fact that the trial is nothing but political theater is good for Rezaian. The sentence itself means nothing. Yet there are many variables standing between him and his freedom.

For the Iranian government, imprisoning Americans provides an important kind of security, like money in the bank – a bargaining chip it can use as leverage or to assert pressure in any number of scenarios.

When a hostage has been held too long, he or she decreases in value. When the pressure on and condemnation of the Iranian government reaches a critical point, the hostages become more trouble than they are worth. That's how people get released.

For the Iranian government, the timing of a release of a political hostage is everything. I was released just days before President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad traveled to New York for the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). My release was timed to soften the president's image in light of the rampant human rights condemnations against him. Shane and Josh were released a year later, again, right before the UNGA and right after Ramadan.

But the UNGA is over. Ramadan is over.

Even more importantly, a historic nuclear deal has completely changed the equation – a deal the Iranian government never would have signed on to if it wasn't ready for the decades-long stalemate between our governments to end.

Not even Congress or hardliners in Iran have been able to kill this deal.

So why is the Iranian government still holding Rezaian?

I feel certain that the nuclear deal bodes well for the four Americans held unjustly in Iran. I also think it creates less incentive for the Iranian government to use hostage-taking as a tactic in the future.

Yet the fact that Rezaian is still sitting in a jail cell reminds me that – though huge leaps have been made towards ending decades of animosity between our countries – this long, terrible chapter of U.S.-Iranian relations has not ended.

There are interests inside Iran that will do anything to stop this normalization from happening, and I wouldn't be surprised if those same forces are the ones blocking Rezaian's release.

While I was being held hostage I felt certain that my freedom – if and when it came – would be calibrated precisely in response to the temperature of unfolding U.S.-Iranian relations. My interrogators told me as much. The Omani negotiators that worked diligently on our case told me as much.

In 2013, this was confirmed publicly when the Associated Press reported that it was a series of secret talks between high-level U.S. and Iranian officials – facilitated and hosted by the Sultan of Oman – that paved the road for the historic agreement over Iran's nuclear program.

“Ironically,” said the AP report, “efforts to win the release of the three American hikers turned out to be instrumental in making the clandestine diplomacy possible.”

October 18 was “Adoption Day,” the day that both sides begin to fulfill their obligations under the nuclear deal.

According to the deal, Iran has to act first: showing good faith by removing centrifuges, reducing its stockpile of enriched uranium, destroying the core of the Arak reactor and expanding inspector access – all of which it hopes to do by December 2015.

Unfortunately, the U.S. government believes implementing these changes could take much longer. Under terms of the deal, Iran will not experience any sanction relief until “Implementation Day,” when signatories are satisfied that Iran has fulfilled its obligations.

It may not be until spring of 2016 before the Iranian people begin to see some economic benefit.

With parliamentary elections in February, President Hassan Rouhani can't afford to wait that long. He therefore has every incentive to cooperate in every way possible in order to hasten the arrival of “Implementation Day” – including softening Iran's image on human rights.

Rezaian, the most high-profile prisoner of the moment, is the obvious choice for a humanitarian release.

The question boils down to this: Does Rouhani have enough power to get this done? Or are his hands tied?

Ultimately, it's Iran's Supreme Leader who makes the decision for a hostage to be released. Ayatollah Khamenei is probably hearing from the hardliners that Iran should continue to hold Rezaian until the United States and world powers fulfill their end of the deal by lifting sanctions.

It's a perverse, cynical equation that has nothing to do with the suffering of an innocent man and his family.

Reading his writing, Rezaian seems like the kind of person who will come out of prison with compassionate, sensible things to say that we could all benefit from hearing.

It really is time to close this chapter on U.S.-Iranian relations; the quicker this deal is implemented, the sooner sanctions are lifted, the better.

I hope Rezaian's case is the last to fit this hateful “pattern.”

I hope this is the end of an era.

I don't know what moment the Iranian government will choose to free Jason Rezaian, but there could be no better moment than now.

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Family of Mavi Marmara victim sues Ehud Barak

The family of a Turkish-American killed during the Israeli raid of the Mavi Marmara ship have sued former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

Barak was served with papers on Tuesday after giving a speech near Los Angeles, The Associated Press reported. The lawsuit was filed Oct. 16 in U.S. District Court in Los Angeles, the report said.

Attorneys for the family of Furkan Dogan told AP that they have been trying to serve Barak, who was Israel’s defense minister at the time of the May 2010 incident, with litigation “for years.” Barak could qualify for diplomatic immunity. Dogan, a New York native, was living with his parents in Turkey at the time of his death in the raid on the Mavi Marmara, a Turkish boat seeking to break Israel’s naval blockade of the Gaza Strip.

The International Criminal Court in The Hague has declined to investigate the case for Israeli war crimes.

Dogan was among nine pro-Palestinian activists who were killed in the raid, when Israeli special forces rappelled down onto the ship. The incident caused a breakdown in relations between Turkey and Israel.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu apologized to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in March 2013, after which representatives of the countries met for reconciliation talks, which did not bear fruit.

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