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March 1, 2015

AIPAC emphasizes Iran talks at record-breaking conference

AIPAC launched its largest-ever conference with a focus on the Iran nuclear talks.

The legislative focus of the conference, which started Sunday with a record-breaking 16,000 activists in attendance, is two bills that seek increased congressional involvement in the nuclear talks underway between Iran and the major powers.

Activists who visit Capitol Hill on Tuesday, the last day of the conference, will seek co-sponsorship for a bill that adds new sanctions on Iran should it walk away from the talks. They also will lend their voices to a measure that subjects any deal with Iran to congressional approval.

President Barack Obama has threatened to veto both bills, saying that any congressional interference in the talks underway between Iran and the major powers risks scuttling the negotiations.

AIPAC speakers emphasized that they do not want to scuttle the talks and instead are seeking to ensure that there is congressional review and the deal is watertight.

“The ability to look at this, to submit it for approval or disapproval, is a critical role for Congress to play,” Howard Kohr, AIPAC’s CEO, said at the opening plenary.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who opposes the talks, is speaking to the conference on Monday. The next day he will address Congress in a speech that has engendered controversy because Netanyahu and the Republican congressional leadership arranged it without consulting Democrats or the White House.

Kohr acknowledged the furor, but noted that AIPAC was encouraging lawmakers to attend the speech.

“There’s no question that the way this speech has come about has created a great deal of upset among Democrats,” he said. “It frankly may have upset people in this room.”

Also addressing the conference is Susan Rice, Obama’s national security adviser, who last week said Netanyahu’s speech is “destructive” of the U.S.-Israel relationship.

Kohr in his opening remarks said that AIPAC also backs suspending assistance to the Palestinian Authority as long as it pursued statehood outside the framework of negotiations and sought legal action against Israel in international courts.

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Ex-Israeli military officials call on Netanyahu to cancel speech

More than 180 Israeli former military and intelligence officials called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to cancel his speech to the U.S. Congress.

An alliance calling itself Commanders for Israel’s Security made the announcement on Sunday, hours after Netanyahu left for Washington and two days before his controversial address. The alliance includes ex-officials from the Israel Defense Forces, the Mossad, the Shin Bet security service and the Israel Police.

“When the Israeli prime minister argues that his speech will stop Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons, he is not only misleading Israel, he is strengthening Iran,” the group’s founder, Amnon Reshef, the former head of the IDF armored corps, told a news conference on Sunday.

“The way to prevent a nuclear Iran is by strengthening the alliance between the countries, between the U.S. and Israel, and between Israel and the international community. It’s already impossible to conceal the rift with the Americans, and it’s impossible to accept such a rift. We believe that this constitutes a clear and present danger to Israel’s security.”

The group, which says it is apolitical, was founded in October.

Members of the group reportedly say they agree with the prime minister’s assessment of Iran’s ability to obtain a nuclear weapon and that the reported deal with Iran is not a good one. However, they disagree with his publicly berating President Barack Obama in a speech that will voice opposition to the nuclear talks between Iran and world powers being backed by Obama.

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Remembering Leonard Nimoy – Eulogy

(What follows is a portion of my eulogy at Leonard’s funeral on Sunday morning, March 1. He was married to my dear first cousin, Susan, who approved my posting this eulogy on this blog-site.)

Leonard shared with me after he and Susan married 26 years ago that he had never met a woman like her, never had he loved anyone so dearly and passionately, that she’d saved his life and lifted him from darkness and unhappiness in ways he never thought possible. His love, appreciation, respect, and gratitude for her transformed him and enabled him to begin his life anew. 

Susan – you were a stellar, loving and brilliant life-partner for your Leib. He knew it and in loving you he learned how to love his own children and grandchildren more deeply, and he came to recognize that his family was his greatest treasure and gift.

At the moment Leonard’s soul left him on Friday morning, his family had gathered around him in a ring of love. Leonard smiled, and then he was gone. It was gentle passing, as easy as a “hair being lifted from a cup of milk,” as the Talmud describes the moment of death.

What did Leonard see? We can’t know, but Susan imagines that he beheld his beloved cocker spaniel Molly, an angelic presence in life and now in death. 

My wife Barbara and I shared much with Susan and Leonard over the years, in LA and in so many spectacular places around the world – so many joys and not a few challenges, and through it all we grew to love Leonard as a dear member of our family and were honored that he felt towards us as members of his own family.  

At his 80th birthday celebration three years ago, I publicly thanked him for all he’d meant to my family and me, for being the love of Susan’s life, and for bringing her so much happiness.

Kind-hearted, gentle, patient, refined, and keenly intelligent was he.

As I listened to NPR’s story of his passing on Friday, I was struck by how uniquely recognizable to the world was his voice, not only because of its innate resonance and gentle tone, but because it emanated who he was as a man and as a mensch.

He was unflappably honest and warm-hearted. He embodied integrity and decency. He was humble and a gentleman. His  sensitivity and intuition connected him with the world and offered him insight into the human condition. Whatever he said and did was compelling, inspiring and provocative. He strove always for excellence.

Leonard’s Hebrew name was Yehudah Lev, meaning “a Jew with a heart.” His interests and concerns were founded upon his faith and belief in the inherent dignity of every human being, and he treated everyone regardless of station, friend or stranger, with kindness and respect. His world view was enriched by his Jewish spirit and experience.

Leonard was nurtured in the Yiddish-speaking culture of his childhood on the West End of Boston, yet he transcended the particular categories with which he was raised. He cared about the Jews of the former Soviet Union, about Jews everywhere, and he was concerned for all people as well.

Because he grew up as a minority in his neighborhood, even sensing at times that he was an outcast living on the margins (which is what his Spock character was all about), Leonard adventured out from the conservative home and culture of his youth, courageously at a very young age, into the world where he sought greater truth and understanding. He was curious about everything and was a life-long learner. 

Leonard appreciated his success, never taking his fame and good fortune for granted. He was generous with family, friends and so many good causes often contributing without being asked, quietly and under the radar, to individuals and causes selflessly, without need of acknowledgment or credit. In his later years, he learned that by fixing his name to some gifts, he could inspire others to give as well.

Over the years, from the time he performed in the Yiddish theater as a young actor, Leonard was particularly drawn to Jewish roles in film, television, stage, and radio. Most enduringly he brought the gesture of the Biblical High Priest to the world’s attention as an iconic symbol of blessing. He was amused that his fans unsuspectingly blessed each other as they held up their hands and said, “Live long and prosper!”

Most recently, Leonard created magnificent mystical images of feminine Godliness in his Shechinah photographs, one of which he gave to me as a gift graces my synagogue study and adds a spiritual dimension for me of everything I do in my life as a rabbi.

One year Leonard asked me what I thought of his accepting an invitation from Germany to speak before thousands of Star Trek fans. He told me that he’d been asked before but always turned the invitation down due to his own discomfort about setting foot in a country that had murdered six million Jews.

I told him that I thought it was time that he went, and that he take the opportunity to inform a new generation of Germans about who he was as a Jew and about the Jewish dimension of Spock’s personality and outlook. He liked the idea, and so on that basis accepted the invitation.

When he returned he told me that he had shared with the audience his own Jewish story and that Spock’s hand gesture was that of the Jewish High Priest blessing the Jewish community, an image he remembered from his early childhood attending shul with his grandfather in West Boston on Shabbes morning and peeking out from under his grandfather’s tallis at the Kohanim-priests as they raised their hands in blessing over the congregation.

He told me that when he finished his talk he received a sustained standing ovation, an experience that was among the most moving in his public life.

There’s another incident worth recalling.

The Soviet Film Institute had invited Leonard in the mid 1980s to come to Moscow to speak about “Star Trek IV,” which he had directed. Leonard agreed to come on the condition that he be granted free passage to Zaslov, Ukraine to visit Nimoy relatives he’d never met. The Soviet officials refused, so Leonard declined. Then they had a change of heart and caved, and he and Susan visited the Ukrainian Nimoys thus reuniting two branches of his family tree divided eighty years earlier. Who else but Leonard Nimoy could stare down the former Soviet Union and win!?

Over time Leonard became one of the most positive Jewish role models in the world. He cared about all the right things, about promoting the Jewish arts, about peace and reconciliation between people and nations, and about greater justice in our own society.

He and I talked frequently about our love for Israel and its need for peace. He understood that a democratic Jewish state could survive only alongside a peaceful Palestinian state. He was disgusted by terrorism and war, disheartened by Israeli and Palestinian inability and recalcitrance to find compromise and a way forward towards a two-state solution and peace, and he was infuriated by continuing Israeli West Bank settlement construction and by both Islamic and Jewish fundamentalist extremism.

Though keenly aware of, knowledgeable about and savvy when it came to national and world politics and history, Leonard was at his core a humanitarian and an artist, and that was the lens through which he viewed the world.

Among his favorite quotations was that spoken by the 19th century actor Edwin Booth who claimed to have heard the solemn whisper of the god of all arts:

“I shall give you hunger and pain and sleepless nights, also beauty and satisfaction known to few, and glimpses of the heavenly life. None of these shall you have continually, and of their coming and going you shall not be foretold.”

Leonard did indeed glimpse the heavenly life in his artistic pursuits and in his love for his family and friends.

In thinking of him, I am reminded of Shakespeare’s words:

“Give me my Romeo; and, when he shall die,

Take him and cut him out in little stars,

And he will make the face of heaven so fine

That all the world will be in love with night

And pay no worship to the garish sun.”

“Romeo and Juliet,” Act III, Scene 2

I’ve never known anyone like Leonard – he was utterly unique. I loved him and will cherish his memory always.

Zicharon tzaddik livracha – May the memory of this righteous man be a blessing.

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Netanyahu arrives in U.S., signs of some easing of tensions over Iran speech

The United States and Israel showed signs of seeking to defuse tensions on Sunday ahead of a speech in Washington by Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu when he will warn against a possible nuclear deal with Iran.

Policy differences over the negotiations with Iran remained firm, however, as Netanyahu set off for the United States to deliver the speech, which has imperiled ties between the two allies.

[RELATED: Obama: Honoring Iran, dissing Israel]

Israel fears that U.S. President Barack Obama's Iran diplomacy, with an end-of-March deadline for a framework accord, will allow its arch foe to develop atomic weapons — something Tehran denies seeking.

By accepting an invitation from the Republican party to address Congress on Tuesday, the Israeli leader infuriated the Obama administration, which said it was not told of the speech before plans were made public in an apparent breach of protocol.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry reiterated Washington's determination to pursue negotiations with Iran, saying on Sunday the United States deserved “the benefit of the doubt” to see if a nuclear deal could be reached.

Last week, Obama's national security adviser, Susan Rice, said the partisanship caused by Netanyahu's looming address was “destructive to the fabric of U.S.-Israeli ties”.

Asked about this on the ABC program “This Week”, Kerry said “the prime minister of Israel is welcome to speak in the United States, obviously. And we have a closer relationship with Israel right now in terms of security than at any time in history.”

He said he had talked to Netanyahu on Saturday, adding, “we don't want to see this turned into some great political football.” Israel and the United States agreed that the main goal was to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, he said.

In remarks on Saturday at Jersualem's Western Wall, Netanyahu said: “I would like to take this opportunity to say that I respect U.S. President Barack Obama.” He added that he believed in the strong bilateral ties and said, “that strength will prevail over differences of opinion, those in the past and those yet to come.”

Netanyahu did not repeat those remarks as he departed on Sunday. The Israeli prime minister, who is running for re-election in a March 17 ballot, has framed his visit as being above politics and he portrayed himself as being a guardian for all Jews.

“I’m going to Washington on a fateful, even historic, mission,” he said as he boarded his plane in Tel Aviv. “I feel that I am an emissary of all Israel's citizens, even those who do not agree with me, and of the entire Jewish people,” he told reporters.

Netanyahu is expected to use his speech to urge Congress to approve new sanctions against Iran despite Obama's pledge to veto such legislation because it would jeopardize nuclear talks.

U.S. officials fear he is seeking to sabotage the Iran diplomacy, and critics have suggested his visit is an elaborate election stunt that will play well with voters back home.

With Obama past the mid-point of his final term, his aides see an Iran nuclear deal as a potential signature achievement for a foreign policy legacy notably short on major successes.

While White House and Israeli officials insist that key areas of cooperation, from counter-terrorism to intelligence to cyber security, will remain unaffected, the divide over the Iran talks has shaped up as the worst in decades.

Previously Israel has always been careful to navigate between the Republican and Democratic camps. The planned address, however, has driven a rare wedge between Netanyahu's government and some congressional Democrats. Some two dozen or more of them plan to boycott the speech, according to unofficial estimates.

IRANIAN ACCUSATION

Speaking in Tehran on Saturday, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif accused Netanyahu of trying to undermine the nuclear talks in order to distract from the Palestinians' unresolved bid for an independent state.

“Netanyahu is opposed to any sort of solution,” Zarif said.

Hard-line U.S. supporters of Israel say Netanyahu must take center-stage in Washington to sound the alarm over the potential Iran deal, even at the risk of offending long-time supporters.

But a U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the “politicized” nature of his visit threatened “what undergirds the strength of the relationship”.

As one former U.S. official put it: “Sure, when Netanyahu calls the White House, Obama will answer. But how fast will he be about responding (to a crisis)?”

Last month, U.S. officials accused the Israeli government of leaking information to the Israeli media to undermine the Iran negotiations and said this would limit further sharing of sensitive details about the talks.

“What the prime minister is doing here is simply so egregious that it has a more lasting impact on that fundamental underlying relationship,” said Jeremy Ben-Ami, head of J Street, a liberal pro-Israel lobbying group aligned with Obama’s Iran policy.

Netanyahu will address the influential pro-Israel lobby AIPAC on Monday. Even as he makes his hard-line case against Iran, he is expected to try to keep tensions from spiraling, mindful that Israelis are wary of becoming estranged from their superpower ally.

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Obama: Honoring Iran, dissing Israel

While all eyes will be on Bibigate this week, there's another drama brewing in Washington that's even more consequential. This is a new bill introduced on Friday that would give the U.S. Congress the power to approve or kill any nuclear deal President Obama makes with Iran.

The bill is called the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act of 2015, and it was introduced by a bipartisan group: Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Bob Corker (R-Tennessee) and ranking member Robert Menendez (D-New Jersey), as well as Lindsey Graham (R-South Carolina) and Tim Kaine (D-Virginia).

I love the bill for two reasons. First, it answers a popular argument used by Obama’s defenders: Don’t criticize the deal until you know what’s in it. I never liked that argument because we already know enough about Obama’s vision and concessions to offer some serious critiques. In any case, this bill makes that argument moot. Congress would now get a chance to assess the deal after Obama negotiates it.

The second, more important reason why I love this bill is that Obama hates it. As soon as it came out, he promised to veto it.

That makes me suspicious: Why would he do that? For one thing, he should be happy that the bill would level the negotiating playing field – just as Iranian negotiators will have to get the blessing of Grand Ayatollah Khamenei and his council of elders for a final deal, so would Obama have to get the blessing of Congress. What’s wrong with that?

In fact, this bill gives Obama more leverage to make a better deal. It’s the old good cop/bad cop routine. When the Iranians refuse to budge on a key point (which is most of the time), Obama can just say, “I don’t think my Congress will go for that.”

And yet, Obama is adamant that he will veto this new piece of leverage. His spokesperson complained that it will “complicate their efforts.” Well, if responsible oversight means complicating a president’s efforts, I’m all for complication.

On Saturday night, Senator Corker slammed the president’s response. “It is disappointing that the president feels he is the only one who speaks for the citizens of our country,” Corker said in a statement. 

Sometimes I get the sense that our president forgets that in a government “of the people, by the people, for the people,” he and Congress work for us, not the other way around. Through our elected Representatives, we have the right and the duty to weigh in on momentous decisions such as making nuclear deals with a violent regime.

But this oversight seems to annoy President Obama. In the case of Iran, that's too bad, because he could really use some oversight.

My biggest issue with the president’s approach on Iran is that it’s naive, bordering on delusional. As he told David Remnick of The New Yorker last year, “If we were able to get Iran to operate in a responsible fashion—not funding terrorist organizations, not trying to stir up sectarian discontent in other countries, and not developing a nuclear weapon – you could see an equilibrium developing between Sunni, or predominantly Sunni, Gulf states and Iran in which there’s competition, perhaps suspicion, but not an active warfare.”

Besides the fact that this is a dangerous and risky pipe dream, Obama doesn’t seem to realize that there’s already a very powerful country in the Middle East that is not funding terrorist organizations or trying to stir up sectarian discontent and that America can completely count on.

That country is Israel – young, democratic, imperfect Israel, America’s most faithful ally in the world's most unstable region and the one society in the Middle East where Arabs enjoy the most freedom and opportunity.

If Obama cares about the welfare of people living under the thumbs of dictators throughout the region, if he cares about bringing some human dignity, human rights and economic opportunity to the poor and oppressed millions of the area, he ought to put Israel’s democratic model at the center of his grand vision for reforming the Middle East – even if that reform takes a few generations.

Instead, in his vision of a Mideast future, Obama is banking that a terror-sponsoring and predatory Islamic regime will transform into a cooperative regime. Clearly, he’s got his key players and bad guys mixed up. I don’t care how upset or offended Obama may be about Bibi’s speech, I still can’t fathom that he's showing more respect for Iran than for Israel. There's something wrong with this picture, and it's unfair to put all the blame on Bibi.

In any event, if Obama insists on making a high-stakes deal with a cheating and deceitful Persian regime that has the blood of Americans on their hands, Congress has the right to weigh in. That’s why this new bill is a game-changer. The drama now is not just over Bibi’s controversial speech but over something more concrete: Whether Congress will have the power to nix what it may consider a bad deal.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) has promised to fight for the bill. At their annual policy conference here in Washington, D.C., which I am attending over the next few days, you can be sure that this item will be high on the agenda. Already, at the opening session on Sunday morning, AIPAC head Howard Kohr reiterated his support for Congressional oversight.

It would be bad for Iran if this oversight bill passes – but it'd be good for Israel, America and the people of the Middle East.


David Suissa is president of TRIBE Media Corp./Jewish Journal and can be reached at davids@jewishjournal.com.

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#FilmFriendly view of the #Oscars From Row A on the Red Carpet with United Airlines

Tel Aviv street artist Dede re-designs the Dolphinarium

Like most abandoned buildings in Tel Aviv, the beachfront Dolphinarium has long been a magnet for graffiti, both amateur and pro. But local street artist Dede — best known for the “>post to his Facebook page last Friday, the artist revealed a 100-foot wraparound mural that transforms the building's curved front end into a pair of “>Haaretz, the complex shut down just four years after its grand reveal — and from there, “gradually deteriorated” into a half-abandoned shell for a cheap rotation of theaters, nightclubs and ocean-sport rental shops. (Thus suffering a similar fate as “>Israeli Foreign Ministry, “the explosive charge contained a large number of metal objects — including balls and screws — designed to increase the extent of injuries.” Photos from the bombing's aftermath, of mangled youth piled outside the club gates, still haunt the city's consciousness. “Dolphinarium” has remained a household name, and the building's concrete skeleton has sat untouched along Tel Aviv's otherwise picturesque sea promenade — a sort of delapidated memorial for the innocents who died there.

Developers, however, have been fighting to flatten the Dolphinarium for years. Just last December, Tel Aviv street artist Dede re-designs the Dolphinarium Read More »