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August 21, 2014

‘Terrorists’ help U.S. in battle against Islamic State in Iraq

Washington has acquired an unlikely ally in its battle against Islamic State militants in Iraq – a group of fighters it formally classifies as terrorists.

The outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), condemned for its three-decade insurgency against the Turkish state, says it played a decisive role in blunting the militants' sweep through Iraq, which triggered U.S. air strikes to halt their advance.

“This war will continue until we finish off the Islamic State,” said Rojhat, a PKK fighter speaking from a hospital bed in Arbil, the capital of the Kurdish region in Iraq.

The involvement of the PKK has consequences not only for rival Kurdish factions who failed to stop the Islamic State's advance, but also for Turkey and the international community, which is being lobbied by the PKK to drop the terrorist tag.

Rojhat, 33, was wounded for a third time in the battle to retake the northern Iraqi town of Makhmur from the Islamic State after the militants – deemed too extreme even for al Qaeda – routed the region's vaunted Kurdish peshmerga forces.

The first two times he was fighting Turkish forces, part of a conflict which killed 40,000 people between its beginnings in 1984 with demands for Kurdish independence from Turkey and a ceasefire in March 2013.

His role highlights the challenge the PKK represents for Ankara, which still views it as terrorist but feels seriously threatened by the Islamic State, which has seized dozens of its citizens and decapitated an American hostage this week.

Thanks to Rojhat and his comrades-in-arms, residents of Makhmur who fled in terror at an onslaught that threatened Arbil, 60 km (40 miles) away, are now returning to assess the damage.

They have already sprayed over graffiti that reads: “the Islamic State is here to stay”.

“This is not just about Makhmur: this is about Kurdistan,” said PKK commander Sadiq Goyi, seated beneath a banner of the group's jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan, referring to Kurdish-inhabited land in Syria and Iran as well as Turkey and Iraq.

“Islamic State is a danger to everyone, so we must fight them everywhere”.

An armed sister group of the PKK – People's Defense Units (YPG) – has carved out an autonomous zone in Syria's northeast, successfully fending off attacks by IS militants who have proclaimed a caliphate straddling the frontier with Iraq.

When the militants overran peshmerga positions in northwestern Iraq, YPG fighters crossed over from Syria and evacuated thousands of minority Yazidis left stranded on a mountain with scant food and water.

“The PKK is our hero,” said 26-year-old Hussein, one of hundreds of Yazidis being trained by YPG fighters at several camps inside Syria to fight the Islamic State.

PKK commanders say guerrillas have been dispatched to the front line in the cities of Kirkuk and Jalawla as well. They declined to give numbers and fierce fighting makes their statements hard to verify.

PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE

Turkish security forces began clearing villages suspected of sympathizing with the PKK during the 1990s, displacing thousands of Kurds, some of whom fled to Iraq and eventually settled in a camp in Makhmur, recently turned into a base for PKK guerrillas.

The word “Apo”, nickname for Ocalan, is scrawled on walls around the camp, which held more than 10,000 residents until the Islamic State's incursion.

A lone pair of socks still dangles from a washing line and unpicked grapes have begun to shrivel on the vine. The thud of artillery can be heard from the new front line with the Islamic state, several kilometers away.

The militants' surge towards Kurdistan destroyed the aura of invincibility surrounding the region's peshmerga forces, which had not fought for years and ultimately proved no match for fighters armed with weapons plundered from the Iraqi army.

PKK commanders however say the militants' main weapon is fear: “They are waging psychological warfare,” Goyi said. “Islamic State are not as powerful as they're thought to be”.

The PKK's newfound role may prove most worrying to its historic competitor, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). The two have long vied for leadership of the Kurdish community across the borders of Syria, Iran, Turkey and Iraq.

With Kurdish forces from all four countries fighting the same enemy for the first time, for now at least, PKK guerillas and peshmerga stand side by side at checkpoints on the road to Makhmur. Massoud Barzani, the president of Iraqi Kurdistan and also head of the KDP visited the camp himself to thank PKK commanders for their assistance.

But tensions are not far beneath the surface.

A senior KDP official said the PKK's involvement would discourage the international community from providing the Kurds with advanced weapons to match Islamic State's arsenal. “We don't need them,” he said of the PKK, accusing it of seeking to discredit the KDP.

The wounded guerrilla Rojhat said the PKK was more organized and disciplined than the peshmerga, and its tactics better suited to fighting Islamic State, even without the kind of military hardware Iraqi Kurds are seeking.

“This is how we fought the Turkish army for years,” Rojhat said. “War is an act of faith”.

“NO NEED TO PANIC”

Ankara has made little comment on the latest conflict in Iraq, smarting from allegations, which it firmly denies, that its support for Sunni opponents of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad helped the Islamic State to grow and fearing for the fate of dozens of its citizens the militants have captured.

But Turkish officials played down concern the PKK would be embolded by its role in Iraq into stirring unrest in Turkey, seeing the fight against Islamic State as a separate issue from their struggle with Ankara for Kurdish rights.

“In Iraq there is a crisis and the PKK has engaged in this fight along with other elements there,” a senior Turkish government official told Reuters, adding that he did not see its engagement there as permanent.

“There is no fear of a division in Turkey or a fear of unification of the Kurdish population outside of Turkey. Since there are no demands through armed conflict or violence from the PKK in Turkey, there is no need to panic,” the official said, asking for anonymity to allow him to speak more freely.

Deputy Prime Minister Besir Atalay said this week the government may hold direct talks with the guerrillas, whose leader Ocalan is jailed on an island in the Marmara Sea. It proposes a plan involving the disarmament and reintegration of fighters into Turkish society.

The PKK see the new enemy and the old as very much linked, accusing Turkey of funding and sending Islamists to fight Kurds on their behalf in Syria, allegations Ankara denies.

But it has dropped its demand for a separate state for Kurds in Turkey's southeast in favor of devolution of power in each of the four countries across which Kurds are divided.

A European diplomat in Ankara said that the PKK would see its actions in Iraq, in particular its help in protecting members of the Yazidi community, as helping a diplomatic push to persuade the European Union to remove it from its list of terrorist groups.

“It is quite paradoxical that an organization proscribed as a terrorist group by the EU appears to have played such a significant role (against Islamic State),” the diplomat said.

“They’re challenging the legal basis on which the EU proscribed them in the first place. They will see all of what has been happening in the past few days as grist to that mill.”

The European Union, however, would be highly unlikely to make any such move without Turkish agreement, he said.

“The Turks would be strongly against … We’re not at the stage where Turkey would be willing to contemplate anything like that, absolutely not.”

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Beyond Good and Evil: Haftarat Re’eh, Isaiah 54:11-55:5

The Seven Haftarot of Consolation deceive us with seeming monotony. For seven weeks, we are told by Second and then Third Isaiah that things will come out all right if we follow God. Have no fear. But lurking underneath this comforting if somewhat repetitive narrative are clues to challenge complacency.

So it is with the brief (12 verse) Haftarat Re’eh, where, in the middle of a delectable vision of the future, God slaps us in the face:

Why do you spend money for what is not bread,
Your earnings for what does not satisfy?

In context, the questions are rhetorical. Earlier, God presented the imagery of hunger and thirst as a state of spiritual emptiness, and the questions indicate the foolishness of abandoning the Divine.

But Scripture’s power derives in no small part from the interpreter’s capacity for de-contextualization. And decontextualization has real impact here because these questions are so compelling: why do we spend our earnings foolishly? Why does money not seem to bring satisfaction but we chase after it so much? We know that consumption cannot bring happiness, yet we consume more and more.

It does no good to rehearse the traditional criticisms of materialism: they may be true, but the Haftarah commands us to ask ourselves, why we are doing this?

Traditional Judaism has a neat explanation: each person has a Good Inclination (ha-yetzer ha-tov) and an Evil Inclination (ha-yetzer ha-ra). But this simple dichotomy flattens the human personality. The rabbis seemed to recognize the problem when they told the famous story of when the rabbis once captured the yetzer ha-ra and hid it in a barrel. (Yoma 69a) For three days nothing happened, no one went to work, no one begat or conceived children, even the chickens stopped laying eggs. The rabbis had to let it go. The key is not to destroy the yetzer hara, but control it and sublimate it for good.

All very well and good, but for me, it does not really get to the heart of the problem. The whole series of human drives cannot be encapsulated in one thing called an Evil Inclination, in the same way that all human desire cannot be simply called “the Id” and leave it at that. Different drives work in different ways, in different contexts.

The rabbis grasped this complexity, but lacked the vocabulary and perhaps the experience to excavate human drives more fully; it hardly disrespects them to build on their insights, not leave them in amber.  In other words, our task now is to go Beyond the Good and Evil Inclination.

So how can we do that?  How can Judaism – and Jews – develop a more complex and nuanced view of the human soul, and then work on themselves, in order to begin to answer God’s question?

We could first translate the Good and Evil Inclinations into the categories of Mussar, Judaism’s traditional system of moral discipline and formation. Mussar practice focuses on different middot, or character traits, that make up a good soul. Here is a partial list of middot from “>“Everyday Holiness”: humility, patience, gratitude, order, equanimity, honor, simplicity, enthusiasm, silence, generosity, truth, trust, yirah (fear/awe). We can reframe the Evil Inclination into the opposites of these middot: arrogance, impatience, entitlement, chaos, agitation, selfishness, duplicity, etc. etc.

I do not deny the existence of Evil. But for most people, most of the time, answering the question, Why do you spend money for what is not bread, your earnings for what does not satisfy?, does not concern Evil. Instead, it is about inner drives, many of which we do not understand or even acknowledge. These drives are, of course, complicated – far more so than simply labeling them “good” or “evil”. Our tendency toward selfishness, for example, will be triggered by differing events, with differing depths, and with differing therapies, than our tendency toward impatience. My teacher Alan Morinis of the Mussar Institute says that each soul has its own individual curriculum, which it needs to master in its own unique way.

Phrased in the way that Haftarat Re’eh does, however, the Middah most at issue at the outset is honesty. Not honesty with others, but rather ruthless honesty with ourselves, taking an astringent to our soul. Why exactly are we engaging in self-destructive habits? Why do we consume what we do?  Is it really what we want? If not, then why are we doing it? Simply recognizing problems does not ameliorate them, but it is a necessary start. We cannot discover our soul’s spiritual curriculum without honesty. What are we hiding? What are we running from?

So what models are available to help us get to this level of honesty with ourselves? The consumptive angst referred to in Haftarat Re’eh is what “>St. Ignatius Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises. But it is inherent in the rabbinic function, and recently, a series of excellent programs have arisen to train lay spiritual directors (I am enrolled in the “Hashpa’ah” program through ALEPH, where I am a rabbinical student: other outstanding programs are “>Lev Shomea.). Judaism has thus joined other faiths in the burgeoning spiritual direction movement.

Assistance from a trained spiritual director helps me answer the questions that Isaiah poses so forcefully. As the “>Rabbi Harold Schulweis proposed developing a cadre of “para-professionals” in synagogues to help deal with the searing issues that congregants face. Spiritual direction answers Schulweis’ call.

By asking its searing questions, then, Haftarat Re’eh opens us up to an inspiring vision of Jewish community – one in which people see faith as a way into deep and unflinching internal self-exploration, accompanied by friends on the same journey. For the third Haftarah of consolation, this vision holds out both comfort and yearning, hope and doubt. It is the process of life itself.

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Jewish student assaulted at Temple University

Hillel, the campus student group, is expressing “outrage” over an attack on a Jewish student at Temple University on Wednesday and is calling on the university to ensure the safety of its Jewish students.

At the same time, the school’s chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine is condemning the attack and is claiming the alleged assailant was not a member of its organization. 

Daniel Vessal, an upperclass member of the Alpha Epsilon Pi fraternity and a fellow with the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, a pro-Israel organization,  allegedly was assaulted during move-in day at Temple’s main campus here.

For full story, visit jewishexponent.com.

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Giant Palestine Flag Draped on New York Bridge Under Investigation

New York City detectives were searching on Thursday for activists suspected of unfurling a massive Palestine flag over the side of an East River bridge during a march in support of Palestinians in Gaza, police said.

The flag, draped over the south side of the Manhattan Bridge between Manhattan and Brooklyn, appeared during a Wednesday evening march organized by Palestine solidarity groups, a spokeswoman for the New York Police Department said.

Online photos of the banner show the phrase “Gaza in our hearts” and the words “boycott, divest, sanction” written in large letters on its black, white, green and red panels.

The flag was a show of support for the Palestinian cause as a six-week offensive by the Israeli military to stop rocket attacks launched into its territory from Gaza resumed after a 10-day cease-fire.

After flapping above the East River for about 20 minutes on Wednesday evening, the flag, about 100 feet long and 50 feet wide, was removed by police.

An investigation of the incident is ongoing and no arrests have been made, police said.

A recent posting on the “March for Palestine Facebook Page” discussed plans for the flag raising.

“On August 20th, NYC’s diverse communities will march together over the Brooklyn Bridge and cover it with a sea of Palestinian flags,” the posting said.

Anne Pruden, a spokeswoman for the International Action Center, one of the activist groups participating in the march, said she did not know who was responsible for the flag.

“We saw it from afar,” Pruden said. “It was a beautiful surprise.”

Other groups involved in the march could not be reached immediately for comment.

Police said they doubt the Palestinian flag was connected to an incident last month, when two bleached white American flags mysteriously appeared atop the Brooklyn Bridge, just south of the Manhattan Bridge.

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Islamic State threat ‘beyond anything we’ve seen,’ Pentagon says

The sophistication, wealth and military might of Islamic State militants pose a major threat to the United States that may surpass that from al-Qaida, U.S. military leaders said on Thursday.

“They are an imminent threat to every interest we have, whether it's in Iraq or anywhere else,” Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel told reporters at the Pentagon about the militant group, which has seized a third of Iraq and released a video this week showing one of its fighters beheading an American hostage.

Asked if Islamic State posed a threat to the United States comparable to that of the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, Hagel said the group was “as sophisticated and well-funded as any group we have seen.

“They are beyond just a terrorist group. They marry ideology, a sophistication of … military prowess. They are tremendously well-funded. This is beyond anything we've seen.”

General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the group could pose a direct threat to Western countries through the return of European or U.S. nationals to their home countries after having fought in Syria or Iraq.

Reporting by Missy Ryan and David Alexander; Editing by Peter Cooney

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Blocked Israeli cargo ship in Oakland unloads after deking activists

An Israeli-operated cargo ship blocked from unloading its goods for four days in Oakland by anti-Israel protesters feigned a return to sea before doubling back secretly to port.

The standoff began Saturday when the Piraeus, operated by Zim Integrated Shipping Services, Israel’s largest shipping company, was scheduled to dock at Oakland Port. Hundreds of protesters organized by the Arab Resource and Organizing Center in San Francisco blocked the entrance to the port to prevent longshoremen from entering, ostensibly to draw attention to Israel’s operation in Gaza.

The ship remained at sea for a day, then docked from Sunday until Tuesday afternoon, when it left with its cargo intact, seemingly headed for Southern California. Instead it quickly turned around and docked at another terminal, where two dozen longshoremen worked overnight to unload the cargo.

AROC’s Block the Boat campaign had earlier declared victory, claiming in one statement that “workers honored our picket,” suggesting that union members sympathized with the protesters.

But a news release Monday from the International Longshore and Warehouse Union said the union takes no position on the Middle East conflict and was concerned only with protecting its workers from the “volatility associated with a large demonstration and significant police presence.”

Anti-Israel protesters had some success stopping Zim ships from unloading in Oakland twice before, in 2010 and 2012.

Demonstrators attempted to block a Zim vessel in Long Beach on Aug. 13 but failed to stop workers from unloading the cargo.

Block the Boat has called for protests in Tacoma, Wash., and Vancouver, B.C., with the aim of shutting down Israeli shipping to the West Coast.

 

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Why Hamas is not like ISIS

As James Foley is beheaded and rocket attacks resume on Israel:

For years, Israel has been trying to convince the West that it is the first line of defense against radical Islam, and that if Muslim extremists are not checked in their home territory, they might sooner or later export their brutality.

These arguments were usually dismissed, with the UK media taking a leading role in condemning Israel whenever it was forced to defend itself against the aggression of Hizbollah, Hamas or Islamic Jihad.

Suddenly, a video clip surfaces with American journalist James Foley on his knees, and the masked man who is soon going to behead him delivering a speech in a British accent.

Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond should realise that when this man and his friends come back from their tour of the Middle East, they are going to be slicing throats on UK streets as well.

Hamas is no different from ISIS, neither in its Islamist zeal, nor in its tactics. Last week, Israeli author Amos Oz told the German radio station Deutsche Welle: “This morning I read very carefully the charter of Hamas. It says that the prophet commands every Muslim to kill every Jew everywhere in the world.”

Some of us had read that charter and recognised the fanatical nature of Hamas long ago.

Hamas's tactics of intimidating its enemies are similar to those of ISIS. Forget about indiscriminately shelling innocent Israeli civilians; in line with poor James Foley, think only about one Fatah police officer named Muhammad Al-Swerki. When Hamas took over from Fatah in Gaza in June 2007, its militants tied him up and threw him from the roof of the 18th floor of Al Ghefari tower. They were more merciful to his comrades; they only shot them in the knees.

There is, however, a significant difference between ISIS and Hamas. ISIS is roaming around the Middle East, trying to destroy existing nation-states and to create a borderless Sunni caliphate instead. This is a formidable, perhaps unrealistic, goal. Even if these fanatics succeed in crushing Iraq and Syria, they will still have to face the formidable Shiite power, Iran.

Hamas, on the other hand, has already conquered a small and well defined stronghold, Gaza, and has been ruling it for seven years. Paradoxically, however, this victory only taught Hamas the limits of its power. Crushed between Egypt and Israel, losing outside support and having to feed 1.8 million people, it came to the conclusion that the task was probably beyond its capabilities.

Therefore, two years ago, Hamas leaders were willing partially to surrender their power and accept the hegemony of PA President Mahmoud Abbas, whose policemen they had killed seven years ago.

Speaking at the Jerusalem Press Club this week, Professor Menachem Klein of Bar Ilan University, a world expert on Hamas, observed that reality had forced its leaders to drift away from their original dogmatism and, without ever being willing to sign a peace with Israel, they have been compelled to accept Israel as an accomplished fact.

Prof Klein lamented the fact that by resisting the Palestinian move for Fatah-Hamas reconciliation, Israel had not been attentive enough to the pragmatism of the political wing of Hamas, and instead strengthened its military wing by being lured into fighting it.

This is all spilt milk now but it does not mean that we should not seize the opportunities Operation Protective Edge has created. The military wing of Hamas has been badly beaten. When the guns fall silent, the need to alleviate the living conditions of the Gazans will become even more pressing.

In a new power structure, however, in which Hamas's ability to harass Israel is crippled; a Fatah government is moving in; moderate Arab forces are playing a greater role; and money going to reconstruction instead of corruption, the Gaza problem might present more opportunities than risks.

Will Hamas leaders one day become lovers of Zion? Never. But will they reluctantly be coerced into a situation where they will have to leave Israel alone? I think that this is possible.


Uri Dromi is Director General of the Jerusalem Press Club.

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Finding the Goldbergs: A Catskills mystery unraveled

The moment I kicked in the door of the abandoned house in the heart of the Catskills, I felt like I was in an episode of “The Twilight Zone: Borscht Belt edition.”

In some corners it appeared as if the residents were just out for the afternoon. Pictures and tchotchkes adorned the walls. A mezuzah with the parchment still inside was affixed to a doorpost. A working upright piano sat in one corner. Ironing boards were open. Mattresses lay on beds; in one room the beds were still half-made.

But elsewhere, things were in a state of advanced decay. The roof over the kitchen had caved in. The sink was overflowing with rotting leaves. In a bedroom, vines poured in through the window and spread over much of the ceiling. Mold was having its way with the walls.

I had come to the Catskills hoping to get one last look at Kutsher’s, the last of the great Borscht Belt resorts, after hearing the news that its demolition was imminent. For much of the 20th century, Kutsher’s and other Jewish hotels like it helped make the Catskills the summer destination of choice for New York Jews.

But when I reached the mountains a few days later, I found the roads leading to Kutsher’s blocked by chains and sawhorses posted with warnings against trespassing into the hard-hat zone. I tried to make my way on foot, wading through wet, overgrown grass, but three burly construction workers spotted me and I was forced to beat a hasty retreat.

Which is how I found my way into a crumbling bungalow colony at the edge of Kutsher’s 1,500 acres.

Aside from the main house with 10 bedrooms and side building with a dining room and kitchen that I had broken into, there were a handful of bungalows, a pool and a lake. The buildings all were vacant, in varying states of disrepair and overcome by nature.

One room had half a dozen ovens and refrigerators. Opening one fridge, I half expected to find a cold can of Tab. No dice. In the corner of what appeared to be the living room, there was a public telephone. I picked it up. No dial tone.

Most of the bedrooms were disheveled or empty, but in one I found toiletries and a shoeshine kit carefully arranged on the dresser, three drab but clean dresses hanging in the closet, and a shelf filled with unused legal pads and blank paper.

Then I spotted the first clue to who may have lived here.

Tucked into the mirror was a photograph of four happy-looking elderly couples posing in front of the lake out back now obscured by foliage. Their names were carefully inscribed on the back: Nat & Sylvia, Herman & Eleanor, Milton & Norma, Jack & Charlotte. There was also a date: August 2001.

Who were these people and why did they leave? What purpose did this odd house serve? Were the people in the photo still alive? When was the house last occupied?

This being the age of the Internet, it took less than an hour of sleuthing, a credit card and $3.95 to unravel the mystery of this strange Catskills time capsule.

The simple part was figuring out who lived there. An address label affixed to some shelves in the bedroom with the shoeshine kit read Goldberg. That matched the name on a Jewish National Fund Tree-in-Israel certificate posted on the wall in another room. Along with the photograph I found, I had my target couple: Nat and Sylvia Goldberg.

Combing through online directories and death notices, it didn’t take long to locate family members. Soon I had Nat and Sylvia’s daughter, Judy Viteli, on the line.

She almost cried when I told her where I had been.

“Ah, the kochelein,” she said wistfully.

The what?

“The kochelein,” she said. “It’s a Yiddish word.”

Over the course of several conversations, including one in which we went through old pictures at her kitchen table, Judy and her sister, Paula Goldberg — now 60 and 63, respectively — told me the story of what had transpired half a century ago in that house, why it represented the best years of their lives and how it all came to an end. This is their story.

The kochelein — a term that literally means “cook alone” — represented a particular kind of bungalow colony: a place where several families shared a house but where everyone was responsible for their own food. That’s why there were half a dozen fridges and ovens in the kitchen: Each of the 10 families was allotted half a refrigerator and a shared oven to prepare meals.

A pharmacist from the Bronx, Nat Goldberg began bringing his family to this kochelein, called Fairhill, in 1953, when Judy was still in diapers and her sister Paula was 5. The rest of the house was filled with cousins and close friends, all from the same working-class Bronx neighborhood. Everybody, of course, was Jewish.

There was practically no privacy: Parents and their children slept in the same room, all the families shared only two bathrooms and everyone ate their meals in the shared dining room.

From a kid’s perspective, the summers were idyllic. Days were spent hiking in the woods, swimming in the lake, picking wild blueberries, playing hide-and-seek, trying to sneak into the resort at Kutsher’s and waging endless girls vs. boys wars. On rainy days they’d pack into the dining room with their parents to play mah-jongg or a variation of rummy, gambling for split peas. After the rain stopped, the kids would run outside to hunt salamanders.

Once the Goldberg kids turned 10, they were allowed to hitchhike into Monticello; their mother would wave goodbye as they climbed into strangers’ cars. On weekends they might catch rides with their father en route to the racetrack.

On Saturday nights, when the adults went out, the kids left to their own devices smoked, played kissing games and did whatever else they could think of that their parents had forbidden.

“Every one of us will tell you it was the best time of our lives,” Paula said of those summers. “Our mothers never knew where we were and didn’t care.”

For the adults, the bungalow colony was both an extension of and a break from their lives in the crowded Jewish enclaves of the Bronx. It was mostly the same people, but there was cleaner air, less privacy and less testosterone: The men, who worked Monday to Friday, came up only on weekends; the women and children stayed all summer.

“It was a total matriarchy,” Paula said.

It was the 1950s, before three major factors destroyed the Jewish Catskills: air conditioning, which made staying in the city more palatable; declining discrimination against Jews, which opened up previously unavailable summertime alternatives; and the rise of the working woman, which made moving away for the summer untenable.

The bungalow colony was not for the wealthy. Accommodations were simple. Water came from a well. When it went dry one summer, the families went days without showering and walked around with divining rods. The swimming pool — now cracked, overgrown and shrouded by trees — wasn’t built until sometime in the late ’50s.

With the exception of Nat Goldberg, none of the men at the kochelein had gone to college, and they all worked blue-collar jobs. Jewish families with more money went to resorts like Kutsher’s, where meals, entertainment and a wide range of recreational facilities were included. At Kutsher’s, residents of bungalow colonies like the Fairhill kochelein were referred to derisively as “bungees.”

Entertainment at the kochelein was mostly homemade: Someone would play the piano or the adults would hold silly parties where everyone wore their clothes backward or husbands and wives swapped clothing or held mock weddings or soup-eating contests.

The men were constantly pranking each other. In the mornings, the first thing everyone would do was get in line for the bathroom, toothbrush and soap in hand. With as many as 40 people sharing just two bathrooms, dillydallying was severely frowned upon — not least by your stern, socially conscious mother.

“Everything happened in front of everybody else — all the babying, all the disciplining,” Judy recalled. “There was no private place to yell at anybody.”

One morning when she was 11, Judy had to conceal a hickey she said a boy had forced on her neck the night before.

“It was the summer, you couldn’t wear a scarf,” she said. “So I put on makeup before I came out from the top of my head down to my neck thinking nobody would notice.”

To no avail. As soon as she walked into the dining room, a girl named Arlene spotted it and broke into peals of laughter. Judy was humiliated; her mother made her wear pancake makeup until the hickey subsided.

The food was kosher — to some degree. At home in the Bronx, Sylvia would let her kids have milk after meat, but at the bungalow colony she was stricter because Aunt Faye was sitting at the next table.

“We used to pretend to be kosher,” Judy said. “It was shameful if you weren’t kosher. But people were different degrees of kosher.”

Because the ladies didn’t drive, the mothers would list the groceries they needed in a spiral notebook hanging from a hook in the dining room, and the Polish Catholic family that owned the property — Alex and Mary Chicko — would go to town every day to buy the provisions, adding a penny or two to each item as a delivery fee.

The families all shared a single public telephone. If Milton should phone from the city to speak to his wife who was down by the lake, whoever answered would get on the P.A. system and make the announcement, summoning Norma to the receiver.

If the kids misbehaved, the parents would punish them by dragging them along to Kutsher’s shows instead of leaving them behind with their boyfriends and girlfriends.

For Paula, one kochelein relationship proved to have special staying power: with Mark Goldberg, a boy whose family had been coming to the Fairhill kochelein since the 1920s. She was 5 and he was 6 when they met, and they began “going together” in the summer of 1959.

That was when 13-year-old Mark asked Paula to a movie theater in town to see “Journey to the Center of the Earth,” and the two kissed during the film — with their eyes open, Paula says.

He was fresh; he was a bad boy,” Paula said with a mischievous smile.

The two broke up at the end of every summer and then got back together the following July. Some summers Mark’s family didn’t go up to the mountains, but Mark always came — even if it was in the care of someone else’s parents. That is, until the summer of ’66, when Mark’s father collapsed at the kochelein of a heart attack and died. Mark was 19.

When Mark was 22 and Paula was 21, they married. The couple recently celebrated their 45th wedding anniversary.

By the 1960s, things had begun changing at the kochelein. A pool had been built. Two more bathrooms were added to the main house. There had been three or four bungalows onsite at least since the early ’50s, but in the ’60s the owners decided to build several more, enlisting the summertime kids to help.

Most significantly, the owners cut a deal that traded the use of part of their land to Kutsher’s in exchange for nightly passes to the resort’s shows. Kutsher’s eventually bought the bungalow colony outright.

“That changed our lives,” Paula recalled. “Our parents could get dressed up and go every night and see all the Borscht Belt comedians. They could go dancing on the stage. Our little bungalow colony had very special power based on the land.”

Judy says she enjoyed the shows, except for one thing: “The comedians would tell their joke, and then the punchline would be in Yiddish. I’d ask Mom what he said and she’d say, ‘I’ll tell you later.’ ”

When she was old enough, Judy began working summers at Kutsher’s as a camp counselor. It was hard work, she says: 12-hour days, six days a week, for just $15 per week. At the kochelein, the traditions continued.

At summer’s end, when each family finished packing up the car to leave, the remaining families would assemble for a parting ceremony. They’d all bang pots and pans and sing a song to the tune of the “The Farmer in the Dell”:

We hate to see you go
We hate to see you go
We hope to heck you never come back
We hate to see you go

The Goldbergs were usually the last to leave.

“We left a day later than everyone else because God forbid we should get stuck in traffic,” Paula recalled.

As they graduated high school and college, the number of kids at the bungalow colony dwindled. Some went up only for weekends, some not at all.

Even as the Catskills fell into decline in the ’70s and ’80s, the adults kept going to the Fairhill kochelein — relishing the space without kids, according to Paula. They stopped only when they couldn’t physically do it, obstructed by illness, death or retirement to Florida.

By the 1990s, most of the kochelein’s rooms were empty.

But not the Goldbergs’; they were diehards. Even when Nat and Sylvia took a place in Florida for the winter, they would return to Monticello for the summers. Sylvia kept three separate bottles of moisturizer so she could travel lighter: at her bedside at the kochelein, in Florida and in Yonkers, where the couple moved when they left the Bronx. (Snooping around the abandoned property, I spotted Sylvia’s bottle of moisturizer.)

With the surrounding area growing shabbier every year, the Goldberg kids tried to convince their parents to stop going to the kochelein — or at least get a room for the summer at Kutsher’s, which by now they could afford. But Nat and Sylvia wouldn’t budge.

“To me it was depressing to go up in those later years,” Judy said. “My mother’s sister used to bring up all her money for the summer and hide it in her room. When she had a stroke in the middle of one summer, her son asked us to find the money and we couldn’t. Eventually someone found it.”

The last few summers the Goldbergs spent at the bungalow colony, they were the only couple there.

“It was eerie,” Judy said. “You would go upstairs and all the other rooms were abandoned looking.” Nat and Sylvia would spend their days at Kutsher’s — Sylvia in pottery classes making tchotchkes that she’d take back to the kochelein and hang on the walls, Nat outside organizing shuffleboard games. At the end of the day they would go back to their big, empty house at the bungalow colony to eat and sleep. Though there were half a dozen refrigerators, they still confined themselves to the same half-fridge they always used.

“It felt like the ‘Twilight Zone’ to me,” Paula said. “Dad was 92. We were scared already. They were living alone in that big house and crossing over to the dining room for meals. They were anachronisms.”

Finally, in the summer of 2002, after 50 years of summers at Fairhill, the Goldberg kids managed to convince their parents to forego the kochelein for the following summer, and they booked rooms at Kutsher’s for 10 weeks starting in June 2003.

But when Nat and Sylvia left the kochelein at the end of August 2002, Sylvia was complaining about feeling tired, and she spent that fall in and out of doctor’s offices. She was diagnosed with cancer.

“After we booked them into 10 weeks at Kutsher’s, my mother felt like a very rich lady,” Paula said. “Even when she was in hospice, she thought she’d spend the summer at the hotel.”

Sylvia never made it. She died in July 2003.

Nat, 10 years her senior, held on for nearly another decade, living until the age of 100. He died in June 2010.

Today, the Jewish Catskills is largely a relic. There are still a few bungalow colonies scattered about, and some haredi Orthodox camps have put down stakes, but all the great Jewish hotels have been sold off or abandoned to nature and decay.

Kutsher’s, the last holdout, was sold in late 2013 for $8.2 million to Veria Lifestyle Inc., a company owned by Indian billionaire Subhash Chandra. He plans to build a new health and wellness resort at the site.

Decades on, the kochelein still maintains a hold on the Goldberg sisters — and many of the others who spent their childhood summers there. In 1996, when the sisters held a 50th anniversary party for their parents at Paula’s Westchester home, many of the old kochelein kids showed up for the occasion.

“They were like family,” Paula says.

At Paula’s insistence, she and Mark used to drive to Monticello every year on Aug. 2, the anniversary of their first date. Then last year, for the first time, Paula decided she didn’t want to go anymore. It was just too sad and spooky.

From what I saw on my foray there, it’s also dangerous. There’s no telling when a floor might collapse or the roof cave in. The property is a wreck.

But it’s also full of artifacts – enough for an enterprising visitor to decode the mystery of the copious fridges, the half-full bottle of moisturizer, the piano in the corner of the dining room. Enough, that is, to tell the Goldbergs’ story.

 

 

Finding the Goldbergs: A Catskills mystery unraveled Read More »

Who is a Holocaust survivor — and does it matter?

When she was arrested earlier this week during a peaceful St. Louis demonstration against police actions in Ferguson, Mo., Hedy Epstein grabbed national attention.

That was partly because, as a 90-year-old white woman, Epstein was not the typical advocate for a young unarmed black man killed by the police. But her Holocaust past — she fled Nazi Germany as a child — arguably played an even bigger role.

Nationwide news sources — including JTA — focused not just on her age, but her background: “Holocaust survivor Hedy Epstein arrested in Ferguson protest,” read Newsweek’s headline, and images of Epstein, clad in a black T-shirt that read “Stay Human,” and gazing steadily at the camera while cuffed between two burly policewomen, instantly went viral. 

While some pundits might disagree with Epstein’s politics — in addition to police brutality, she has also spoken out against Israeli treatment of Palestinians  – other critics went further. Recognizing that much of the attention drawn to Epstein’s arrest hinged on her status as a Holocaust survivor, something she publicizes on her website, some commentators went so far as to question that status itself. Ultra-conservative publication Frontpage Mag called her a “fake” Holocaust survivor “desperate for attention.”

The attacks on Epstein’s status as a Holocaust survivor point to a significant phenomenon: the moral gravitas we tend to accord Holocaust survivors. Surviving Auschwitz — coupled with his extraordinary skills as a speaker and writer — lent Elie Wiesel the authority to serve as a voice for world Jewry, and raise worldwide consciousness of Nazi atrocities. With the exception of Holocaust deniers, few people question the unique power that survivors, as victims of a morally indefensible atrocity, have to command attention for the political and moral causes they embrace.

So it’s not surprising that Epstein’s critics would question her Shoah bona fides. (Indeed, her Holocaust survivor identity has come under fire before.) As the years since World War II pass, and the number of living witnesses to its horrors dwindle, the question of who “counts” as a Holocaust survivor — whether the term can be applied to refugees and hidden children or if one has to have spent time in concentration camps or ghettos — has achieved greater import.

There is much at stake. Beyond the concrete legalities of reparations and social programs, there is a wide spectrum of who is considered a Holocaust survivor, and the whole question — with its often unseemly judgments about how much suffering is required for one to earn the title  – has spawned complicated debates.

At the more inclusive extreme is the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, which defines a Holocaust survivor as “any persons, Jewish or non-Jewish, who were displaced, persecuted, or discriminated against due to the racial, religious, ethnic, social, and political policies of the Nazis and their collaborators between 1933 and 1945… includ[ing], among others, people who were refugees or were in hiding.”

On the opposite end is Czech-Israeli Holocaust expert Yehuda Bauer, who defines Holocaust survivors solely as “those people who were physically persecuted by the Nazis or their cohorts,” in ghettos, concentration camps or labor camps. Some survivor counts include only those persecuted by Nazis in continental Europe; other estimates encompass all who were subject to discriminatory laws under Nazi satellite governments in North Africa and elsewhere.

Yad Vashem, Israel’s Holocaust museum, acknowledges this ambiguity in its Shoah Resource Center, admitting that “it is difficult to define the term Survivor” – and leaving it at that. 

By necessity, the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, which distributes monetary compensation to Nazi victims, has a highly specific approach. Its tiered system entitles those “who fled Nazi invasion or lived under curfew” to a one-time “Hardship Fund” payment, while ongoing pensions are reserved for those who “were interned in a concentration camp or ghetto, performed forced labor, or lived in hiding or under false identity.”

But beyond the distinctions necessitated by reparations, are strict requirements for claiming a Holocaust survivor identity necessary?

Hedy Epstein’s story is instructive.

Epstein was 8 and living in Freiburg, Germany when Hitler came to power. A year after Kristallnacht, she was sent to England in a children’s transport. Like many others sent on the Kindertransport, Epstein never saw her family members again.

The flight, trauma and loss Hedy Epstein experienced as a young woman undoubtedly changed her perspective on the world. Is that enough to garner our respect  – that and the fact that, at age 90, she’s still showing up for protests? Given that an increasing proportion of the Holocaust witnesses who remain alive were children during World War II, and thus less likely to have made it through the concentration camps (where those too young to work were usually killed immediately), folks like Epstein will soon be all that’s left.

Whether we call refugees and hidden children “survivors” or something else, the fact is they still have been shaped by their experiences and often have an important perspective to add to global discourse.

And even they won’t be around all that much longer.

 

 

Who is a Holocaust survivor — and does it matter? Read More »