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June 19, 2012

After Peres medal, pleas for Pollard persist

The Washington festivities honoring Israeli President Shimon Peres have come and gone, without an assurance of clemency for jailed spy Jonathan Pollard.

But while Pollard’s 27th year in federal prison continues, so do calls for his release.

“While I certainly don’t condone what he did—no question, he did wrong, and was paid to do it—still, he should not be treated neither more leniently nor worse than anybody else who provided information to a friendly government,” U.S. Rep. Eliot Engel (D-NY), who has visited Pollard in prison twice, said in an interview with JNS.org. “It’s gone from bad to worse. After [27] years, it’s enough.”

Pollard’s advocates in Congress and elsewhere say his life sentence resulting from a conviction of spying for Israel—without intent to harm the United States—is disproportionate to his crime. Prior to his June 13 private meeting with U.S. President Barack Obama, Peres—the Medal of Freedom awardee—said he would request clemency for Pollard. Speaking from Washington, he told Israel’s Channel 2 that Obama “has humanitarian authority” and therefore “can mull considerations [for Pollard] that the courts did not.”

However, White House Press Secretary Jay Carney, at a briefing for reporters the day of the Medal of Freedom presentation, quashed all discussion of a possible clemency. “Our position has not changed and will not change today…I would simply remind you that Mr. Pollard was convicted of very serious crimes,” Carney said.

A request for the commutation of Pollard’s sentence was the subject of a June 11 bi-partisan letter spearheaded Engel and U.S. Rep. Christopher Smith (R-NJ). The letter appeals to Obama, saying “There is no doubt that [Pollard] has paid a heavy price, and, from the standpoint of either punishment or deterrence, we believe he has been imprisoned long enough…We join our voices to those who see clemency as an act of compassion justified on humanitarian grounds and for purposes of fairness and equity.”

In 1985, Pollard had pleaded guilty to one count of “conspiracy to delivery national defense information to a foreign government” and was set to receive “a substantial number of years in prison.” While the prosecutor in this judicial process (there was no trial) did not technically ask for a life sentence, former secretary of defense Caspar Weinberger did, and Judge Aubrey E. Robinson acquiesced.

Engel told JNS.org that the government “double crossed” Pollard. “In making a plea bargain,” said Engel, “you do so with the expectation that it will be implemented.”

Why is Engel appealing for Pollard’s release specifically at this time? “Pollard is in ill health,” Engel said. “It’s time to commute his sentence to time served. It’s a mistake for it not to have happened earlier—now we should re double our efforts and keep trying.”

The collaboration of Engel, a Democrat, and the Republican legislator Smith is an example of bipartisan support for Pollard. “It’s important for us [Democrats] to have a good relationship with people on the other side [of the political spectrum]—we can come together with them on Israel and things like the Pollard issue,” Engel said. “Chris Smith does not play it safe. He will stick his neck out for what he believes is right.”

Engel called the Pollard situation “a thorn in the side of relations between the U.S. and Israel, one successfully used by Israel bashers to drive a wedge.”

“Having Pollard in jail is like a festering sore,” he said. “It’s time to heal that sore.”

Engel said every recent president—Clinton, Bush, and now Obama—has been thwarted from considering the release of Pollard because of strong opposition from the intelligence and military communities. Obama may find it “easier to do nothing” based on the history of his predecessors’ inaction, Engel said.

“Whatever [Obama] does will be controversial and bound to result in sharp disagreement,” Engel said. “To do anything in an election year is a difficult and tricky, unpredictable situation.”

Opinions about the appropriateness of releasing Pollard have changed significantly. The former head of the CIA, R. James Woolsey, and former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger and George Shultz, now support clemency. U.S. Sen. Charles Schumer (D-NY), who is believed to have seen the Caspar Weinberger memo, says nothing in Pollard’s file justifies denying him clemency.

“No one is able to tell us any reason why it should not be granted,” Rabbi Pesach Lerner, executive director of the National Council of Young Israel, told JNS.org.

Lerner, who has been a consistent voice lobbying for Pollard’s release for more than 15 years, said he “is encouraged” by Carney’s use of the word “today” in his statement about Pollard.

“No one expected the keys on the spot,” Lerner said. “It’s part of a process.”

Lerner emphasized that Pollard is seriously ill and not receiving adequate medical care. “A man’s life is at stake… The bottom line is, someone tell us why he is still in jail? What relevant information could he have?  What could be top-secret 27 later?” he said.

The rabbi last visited Pollard in May, and told JNS.org that Pollard is “not well” and suffering from numerous serious illnesses, including kidney problems and diabetes.

“These are medical issues that won’t be solved in prison,” Lerner said.

Although no letter addressed to the president regarding Pollard’s case has ever been directly answered, Lerner stressed that “the Jewish community must join together and write” on Pollard’s behalf.

“We accept that he committed a serious crime, that he should spend several years in prison, but not be there for life,” Lerner said. “We are calling on the president and every person who cares about justice to end this injustice. President Obama just gave the Medal of Freedom to a man he respects. That man has expressed a wish for Pollard’s freedom. You would think that when the President of an allied country asks for a favor, one would think that wish would be granted.”

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Fighting flares along Israel-Gaza border

Israel killed two Palestinians in air strikes and Hamas fired its first cross-border rocket barrages in more than a year as fighting along the Israel-Gaza frontier flared on Tuesday for a second day.

The confrontation initially appeared to fit a familiar pattern of Israeli strikes against small squads of Palestinian militants in Gaza and rockets launched toward sparsely populated areas in southern Israel near the border.

But the surprise decision by the Gaza Strip’s rulers, the Islamist group Hamas, to re-engage militarily with Israel after months of staying on the sidelines and discouraging smaller groups from firing rockets held the prospect of wider conflict.

Since Monday, Israeli air strikes have killed six Palestinians, including four militants. A 2-year-old Gazan girl died and her brother was wounded when militants launched a rocket close by, witnesses said. An Israeli military spokesman said there had been no air strikes in the area at the time.

A Hamas medical official said the cause of the children’s injuries was not clear.

Hamas spokesman Fawzi Barhoum said Israeli attacks had prompted the group to “take a firm stance” and launch rockets.

Israeli security officials said at least 40 rockets were fired at southern Israel on Tuesday, causing no casualties.

Although other militant groups have fired rockets across the border, Hamas had held its fire under unofficial truces with Israel, a policy widely seen in Israel as effectively enabling the group to train and arm without much risk of Israeli attack.

Israel has said that Hamas, which seized the Gaza Strip from forces loyal to Western-backed Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas in 2007, bears overall responsibility for any attacks from the coastal enclave.

GROUND OPERATION

“The more things deteriorate, the closer we come to a decision we don’t want to make,” Israeli cabinet minister Silvan Shalom said. “The prospect of a ground operation (in the Gaza Strip) shouldn’t frighten us.”

“If this situation escalates, and I hope it won’t, then all options are open. They know it. We know it. The international community knows it,” he told Israel Radio.

On Monday, before the Gaza flare-up, militants who crossed into Israel from Egypt’s Sinai desert fired on Israelis building a barrier on that frontier, killing one worker. Soldiers shot dead two of the infiltrators.

The Sinai attack, launched soon after the Muslim Brotherhood declared victory in Egypt’s presidential election, increased Israeli concerns about lawlessness in the area since the fall of president Hosni Mubarak last year.

In a video recording obtained by Reuters in Gaza, a group of masked men claimed responsibility for the Sinai incident on behalf of what they said was a newly formed Islamic movement, the “Shura Council of Mujahideen in the Holy Land”.

The masked men used Islamic slogans, pledging to liberate the Holy Land from what they termed Jewish control.

A second video showed two men, one of whom said they were about to embark on a mission to attack “the Zionist forces on the border of Egypt and occupied Palestine”, an apparent reference to Monday’s incident on the Sinai border.

The first man said he was an Egyptian named Abu Salah al-Masri. The other said he came from Saudi Arabia and gave his name as Abu Huthiyfa al-Rathali. The videos could not immediately be verified.

Writing by Jeffrey Heller; Editing by Kevin Liffey

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Revived Israel Policy Forum aims to rise above partisan fray as a pragmatic pro-Israel voice

When President Bill Clinton chose in January 2001 to unveil his Clinton Parameters for Arab-Israel peacemaking, he chose an Israel Policy Forum gala to do it. Four years later, then-Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Ehud Olmert sought the same audience to announce then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s willingness to negotiate with the Palestinians.

In more recent years, however, the IPF has nearly disappeared in influence and presence. Now it hopes to revive itself with some of Jewish life’s heavy hitters, people who hint they are frustrated with the seemingly partisan politics of J Street and others.

“You could make the case that an organization like IPF is more needed now than ever, promoting a two-state solution without playing politics,” said Aaron David Miller, a former negotiator in the first Bush and Clinton administrations who since his retirement from government in 2001 has been associated with IPF. “You do have increasing polarization in the Jewish community now, and it’s not a good thing.”

Miller is not alone in his assessment.

Among the new significant names signing onto IPF’s revival are Rabbi Eric Yoffie, who just ended his term as president of the Union for Reform Judaism; U.S. Rep. Gary Ackerman (D-N.Y.), who is retiring and in recent years had public disagreements both with the Israeli establishment and J Street; Deborah Lisptadt, the eminent Holocaust historian; and philanthropist Charles Bronfman.

“I believe that the broad base of the American Jewish community wants and needs realism [that] to my mind, neither the left nor the right are providing,” Bronfman said in an email to JTA. “IPF’s work in all areas will attempt to foster the real probabilities of a two-state solution.”

Next month, the group’s advisers, veteran and recent, will convene in New York to consider the group’s direction. The agenda underscores how tentative the project still is: The second item is titled “What did happen to the IPF?”

Is there room for a Jewish group that pushes the Israeli consensus on peacemaking and keeps above the cacophony of the American partisan fray?

Twenty years ago it was a no-brainer. The IPF was founded at the behest of then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who was frustrated with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s slowness to embrace the nascent Oslo peace process with the Palestinians.

Peter Joseph, IPF’s president now, said he is not alone in seeing the need for nuance in an age when pronounced dissent from some groups characterized debate on the region. Joseph would not be more specific, but he did not deny that this description could apply to J Street, the liberal lobby that bills itself as “the political home for pro-peace, pro-Israel Americans” and which grew by leaps and bounds just as IPF was fading.

A J Street spokeswoman declined to comment on IPF’s resurrection.

But M.J. Rosenberg, IPF’s Washington director until 2009 and now the author of an often biting blog with a pronounced leftist slant, said the Middle East policy community may not be as welcoming as it once was.

“J Street will remain the address for people who want to oppose AIPAC,” he said. “All this will do is drain support away from J Street because it won’t drain support from AIPAC.”

Rosenberg stressed that he wished his former employer the best.

Meanwhile, former AIPAC spokesman Josh Block noted how fraught the waters were for IPF’s reemergence. He noted in a statement that Joseph was funding Open Zion, an ideas exchange hosted by Peter Beinart, who has stirred controversy with his writings suggesting that younger American Jews are growing alienated from Israel. Beinart recently proposed boycotting settlement goods while increasing purchases from Israel proper.

Joseph, who is in the private equity business, told Tablet recently that he found Beinart’s boycott call “polarizing” but confirmed to JTA that he continues to fund Open Zion.

“You can’t be effective if your support and your ideas are fringe,” Block said in an email interview with JTA. “It’s not immediately clear what niche IPF will seek to fill. While he has distanced himself from Peter Beinart’s repulsive call for a boycott against Israel, the president of IPF and its key funder is still underwriting Mr. Beinart’s struggling blog, which provides a platform for anti-Israel, one-state crackpots and people who oppose sanctions to stop Iran’s dangerous nuclear pursuit.”

Yet there was cheering from at least one institutional corner.

“We welcome any effort to advance the two-state solution and to secure Israel as a Jewish state and a democracy, living in peace and security with its neighbors,” said Debra DeLee, the president of Americans for Peace Now. “We will be happy to work hand in hand with a reinvigorated IPF.”

IPF’s rise and fall was synonymous with the peace process itself.

Throughout the 1990s and into the first years of the 21st century, IPF occupied a unique Middle East policy nexus: the making and influencing of policy, and the thinking about it. Among those associated with the group at the time were Sandy Berger, Clinton’s national security adviser; Stephen P. Cohen, a Yale and Princeton Middle East scholar whose citations by newspaper pundits achieved a notorious ubiquity; and Marvin Lender and Alan Solomont, Democratic Party fundraisers with reputations as kingmakers.

Its Israeli associates had roots in the country’s security establishment, lending heft to its emphasis on negotiations and eventually a two-state solution.

Among Clinton’s last acts as president was to outline the “Clinton parameters,” the peace plan deal rejected by the Palestinians. He chose an IPF gala to make his historical speech.

Yet as attitudes hardened during the second intifada, IPF’s emphasis on interaction seemed less relevant. Still, IPF managed to retain some clout. Its assiduous nonpartisan status attracted attention from Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who would invite then-IPF president Seymour Reich to meetings with Jewish leaders when she sought a voice to balance AIPAC’s hawkish line.

IPF’s last major hurrah was its 2005 gala dinner in New York, when Olmert, representing Sharon, signaled a new readiness to talk with the Palestinians. Olmert, in a speech that made headlines, declared that “We are tired of fighting, we are tired of being courageous, we are tired of winning, we are tired of defeating our enemies.”

The ensuing efforts to renew peace talks by President George W. Bush and later President Obama never gathered momentum, and the dialogue in the American Middle East peace community—and among American Jews—grew more fractious. There was a dichotomy between those who favored the classic AIPAC strategy of heeding the Israeli government of the day and those such as J Street who favored intensive U.S. involvement.

IPF was not spared the dissension: Rosenberg argued within the organization for a more assertive alignment with J Street, while Joseph insisted on maintaining the nonpartisan middle.

By late 2009, with J Street a frequent interlocutor with the Obama administration, Rosenberg left, and IPF was absorbed into the pro-Obama think tank, the Center for American Progress. The Washington office closed; all that remained was a small four-person operation in New York.

IPF was little heard from until it parted ways with CAP late last year. Joseph said the parting was amicable.

Joseph is in Israel this week at the Israeli Presidential Conference, networking and seeking Israeli interlocutors in the security and political establishments. One likely partnership is with Blue White Future, the new group convened by top former security officials that advocates a degree of unilateral disengagement from the West Bank.

The IPF president added that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s broad, new national unity government can provide an impetus toward peacemaking with the Palestinians. The key, he said, is not to impose American ideas but to get a sense of the Israeli reality and encourage the trends within it that seek peace.

“We pay very significant attention to Israel’s security needs,” Joseph said. “Anyone looking at this seriously needs to take that into account.”

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Thoughts about security

Yesterday was scary. I was just getting out of class when a friend of mine called. She is working as a security guard at an elementary school, and she was stressed out. She told me that militants crossed into Israel from Egypt, and that there was an exchange of fire and that there has been an alert that they might have entered Israel. She was standing alone, expected to keep hundreds of young kids safe, but incapable of actually protecting them. “If they will come, there will be nothing I can do,” she said. I live at the center of Israel, which means the last time I felt that kind of danger was during the second Intifada. I was a kid, barely a teenager, and didn’t quite realize the fear that took over my parents. I was forbidden to ride buses, so I walked. Simple as that. Now, 10 years later, I am a person of my own, capable of realizing a danger. My friend was guarding a school, filled with kids as young as we were, unaware of the danger, not feeling the impotence, the incapability to be truly protected. “If they will come, there will be nothing I can do”…
The militants were caught. The IDF proved itself once again and peace was redeemed. Nonetheless, I couldn’t stop thinking about what my friend said. We can never be truly protected, even while having the best army in the world. In case someone will succeed at entering Israel, he/she can do anything he/she wishes. They can stand near an elementary school and blow up. That’s that. “If they will come, there will be nothing I can do”…

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The forgotten Jewish aviator

As the clouds and rain gave way to evening sunshine at Maryland’s historic College Park Airport, Rabbi Gil Steinlauf of Washington, DC’s Adas Israel Congregation recites the kaddish for one of aviation’s pioneers who died in a crash there on June 11, 1912, exactly 100 years to that day.

A crowd gathers to pay tribute and open a museum exhibit to commemorate the Russian-born Jew who was the Wright Brothers’ most trusted instructor, and whose student became the head of the U.S. Army’s air forces in World War II.

Arthur Welsh, born Laibel Wellcher, is hardly a household name today. Were it not for his death at age 31 at the College Park, Md. airport, he’d probably be lionized along with legends of flight like the Wrights, with whom he was so closely connected.

At age 9 in 1890, Welsh came to the U.S. and settled in Philadelphia with his family. Al, as family and friends knew him, moved to Washington in 1898. He was raised Jewish, attended meetings of The Young Zionist Union and joined the U.S. Navy in 1901. He served aboard two ships until he was discharged in 1905 as a seaman, and then became a bookkeeper. He and his wife Anna Harmel were the first couple married in Adas Israel’s second synagogue, now known as the Sixth & I Historic Synagogue, in October 1907.

Captivated by seeing one of the Wrights’ demonstration flights in Fort Myer, Va., in 1909, Welsh decided to become a pilot. His initial application to the Wrights was rejected, but Welsh was so determined that he traveled to their base in Dayton, Ohio, where they agreed to accept him as a student. He entered the first class of the Wright Flying School in Montgomery, Ala., in March 1910.

Welsh then trained with Orville Wright near Dayton and soon became an instructor at the Wright Flying School, where he later trained Henry “Hap” Arnold (who became the U.S. Air Force’s five-star general). He also joined the Wright’s exhibition team, and established records for both speed and altitude while he flew throughout 1910 and 1911. Welsh won a hefty $3,000 prize at the International Aviation Meet at Grant Park in Chicago in August 1911 for being the first to fly more than two hours with a passenger.

Sent to the U.S. Army’s Aviation School in College Park, Welsh in the spring of 1912 made 16 official test flights for the Army on the new Wright C plane. On June 11 of that year, Welsh and a Lieutenant Hazelhurst were attempting to meet the Army’s exacting loaded-climb test. According to the Jewish Historical Society of Greater Washington’s (JHSGW) website, they took off at 6 p.m. and “the plane climbed to about 200 feet and then dove downward at a steep angle to gain momentum to assist the climb.” The airplane then “stalled and crashed into a field of daisies,” and “both men were killed instantly, the first fatalities at the College Park airfield.”

Paul Glenshaw, an aviation historian with the Discovery of Flight Foundation, said Welsh “was the second of only two pilots trained by Orville Wright exclusively.” Glenshaw confirmed that Welsh was the first Jewish-American pilot. Historians further believe, but cannot confirm, that Welsh was the first Jewish aviator in history.

“The Wrights were very private,” Glenshaw said this month on the 100th anniversary of Welsh’s death. “Trust was earned. They did not bring people into their inner circle very easily. By November 2011, all their pilots were gone except Welsh.”

What made Welsh different was that he “didn’t make a lot of glaring headlines,” Glenshaw said.

“He was a married man,” said Glenshaw, who added that most other early pilots were millionaires, stuntmen or racecar drivers. “Here’s a short, little guy, apparently kind of gruff but he just did sober, straight-ahead flying.”

“It was probably through [Welsh’s] sheer determination and probably a great deal of charm that he was able to get into the Wrights’ inner circle and to become their good friend,” Glenshaw added.

The cause and details of the fatal crash were not completely clear, although many observers—including journalists—were present. Welsh was apparently ejected, and crushed his skull as he crash-landed in a field of daisies. Some accounts say the wings collapsed or that the plane buckled, with one saying it fell from only 30 feet. An Army investigation concluded that Welsh was at fault, but that was disputed. Welsh and Hazelhurst were but two of 11 killed in Wright Model C flights by 1913.

Welsh’s funeral, held on June 13, 1912, was briefly postponed so that Orville Wright and his sister Katharine could come from Dayton. It was just two weeks after the funeral of their brother, Wilbur. Wright served as a pallbearer along with Lt. Arnold. Welsh was buried in the Adas Israel Cemetery in Anacostia (which is in Washington). In his autobiography, General Arnold said Welsh “taught me all he knew, or rather, he had taught me all he could teach. He knew much more.”

Welsh’s widow died in 1926, and their daughter Aline moved to England and lived until her 90s.

The public reception marking the 100 anniversary of Welsh’s death featured speakers, the new exhibition, and descendants of the great aviator. A commemorative sign honoring his unique place in aviation history was unveiled along with an Arthur Welsh Commemorative Medal, commissioned by the Jewish Historical Society of Greater Washington (JHSGW) and sculpted by former Leningrad Mint Chief Engraver Alex Shagin. JHSGW President Laura Applebaum remarked that, “The notion of a Jewish immigrant penetrating the inner circle of the Wright Brothers seemed improbable.”

Cathy Allen, former College Park Aviation Museum director, recalled how the late Adas Israel rabbi, Stanley Rabinowitz, had once insisted to her that any exhibit about Welsh should prominently say he was a Jew. Allen recalled the rabbi admonishing her by saying that, “Being Jewish is why Al Welsh is who he was”.

The Welsh exhibit in College Park runs until Sept. 3. For more information visit www.collegeparkaviationmuseum.com.

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