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May 16, 2012

New world view

Two years ago, Fred Kramer took a big, luxurious break from work to travel the world and find himself.

In March, as the newly minted executive director of Jewish World Watch, he found himself locked in a jail cell with George Clooney.

“It was quite a day,” Kramer said of the civil disobedience he stirred alongside the world’s most famous movie star, outside the Sudanese Embassy in Washington, D.C.

It began with a protest walk from the Religious Action Center, just down the street from the embassy, but instantly morphed into a paparazzi party, as hordes of reporters desperately cleaved to Clooney. “People were literally tripping over themselves,” Kramer recalled. Kramer got his one-on-one from a Clooney-side seat in the cop car.

“I rode in the wagon with him; we got booked together at the police station; then we were in a cell together for two or three hours before everything got resolved and they let us out,” Kramer said nonchalantly.

Just a short time ago it would have been almost impossible to imagine that he’d be touting his celebrity run-ins to draw attention to his work, but Kramer’s unexpected turn from business developer to nonprofit overseer has demanded it.

“Our culture is clearly somewhat infatuated with celebrities,” he said.

A mellow, free-spirited type with a penchant for white linen, Kramer once fancied the artist’s life.

An early foray into filmmaking that produced two smallish independent films — “Wednesday’s Child” (1999) and “Amy’s Orgasm” (2001) — quickly proved to him that “my movies were not going to end up getting made.” So he quit producing and went to work developing the technology company WithoutABox, an online international film-festival application program that, after just eight years, he and his partners sold to the Web giant Internet Movie Database. At 37, Kramer had a bundle of cash and a ballooning wanderlust, which he parlayed into a 34-foot Catalina sailboat and a one-year sabbatical.

When he wasn’t wandering Peru, India or one of six countries in Africa, he was likely to be found chattering in the back at IKAR, the synagogue where he served as board chair. But if the social justice seed was nurtured within the walls of the Westside JCC, it flourished while traveling through the African wilderness, where his wanderings brought him into contact with the consequences of modern genocide.

He returned to Los Angeles inspired to act but unsure what to do. A friend told him Jewish World Watch was looking for an executive director. “My initial reaction was, ‘This is not what I do,’ ” Kramer said. “I had considered myself a businessman, and had assumed when I began looking for new work that it would be finding a new business and making money. I had never really considered the option of running a non-profit.”

He said his involvement with IKAR “had a tremendous effect on my willingness to try something like this, both [in terms] of my Jewish identity and my obligation toward the world.” From living in the lap of luxury to visiting the depths of deprivation, Kramer found himself compelled to support “people having a more difficult time than I am.”

Los Angeles, land of plenty, was the perfect place from which to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable. “I can tell you that the level of attention we’re able to draw to our issues when a public figure is advocating for them alongside us is completely different than what we are able to attract when they are not,” Kramer said. The glitter of fame has two sides. “Clearly it’s effective.”

Which is why one of Kramer’s early priorities in his new position is to use L.A.’s backyard celebrity candy store to bring attention to his organization’s cause. On May 20, the Jewish World Watch annual 5K “Walk to End Genocide”  will take place at Pan Pacific Park in Los Angeles, and for the first time some notable Hollywood names will join: Josh Radnor (star of CBS’ “How I Met Your Mother”), Don Cheadle (“Hotel Rwanda,” “Ocean’s Eleven”) and TV’s Lisa Edelstein (“House”).

For some of those connections, Kramer owes a debt to his fiancée, actress Michaela Watkins, who represents another sea change in his life inspired by his travels. “It was really an opening on a number of fronts,” he said, “and that element of the journey started when I met the woman of my dreams.”

Kramer’s dreams for Jewish World Watch include more interfaith work, expanding programming around the country and creating an office for the organization in Washington, D.C. And just maybe, a little help from Clooney.

“One of the things I asked of him,” — in jail — “was, I said, ‘You know, we have the world’s largest solar cooker project,’ ” which provides women and girls with a cooking alternative that eliminates the dangers of collecting firewood. “And in a movie he did, ‘The Men Who Stare at Goats,’ he actually kicks a solar cooker and talks about what a piece of s—- it is.

“So I told him about the cooker project and reminded him of that scene, and he chuckled, and I asked him if he would help me rectify that image and maybe produce a spot where he explains that there’s some real good that comes out of solar cooking.”

Clooney said yes.

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Requiem for a Beastie: Remembering Adam ‘MCA’ Yauch

So, how was your Cinco de Mayo? Mine was awful.

Blame the morning of May 4. That’s when I found out Adam “MCA” Yauch of the Beastie Boys had died at 47.

Despite Yauch’s much-publicized cancer fight, I was stunned. With the May 3, 2011, release of “Hot Sauce Committee, Part Two,” which had been delayed for two years because of his illness, it seemed then that Yauch had won the battle.

In 1986, I was a Fairfax High student missing my native Canarsie, Brooklyn, when the Beastie Boys, the first all-white (and Jewish!) rap group, released their major-label debut, “Licensed to Ill.”

These wild teens — Yauch, Adam “Ad-Rock” Horovitz and Michael “Mike D” Diamond — wore their snotty NYC attitude on their sleeves. Brash, irreverent, obnoxious yet clever, the Beasties were liberating. Like the best rock, they represented sex, drugs, alcohol, mayhem and every other thing I couldn’t indulge in myself. “Licensed” was a sonic “Inglourious Basterds”; a visceral, vicarious Jew-boy fantasy.

In today’s postmodern, ADD culture, where their infamous breakthrough single “(You Gotta) Fight for Your Right (to Party!)” can become elevator music worthy of your local Ralphs (look up Chris Martin’s acoustic cover of the song for proof…), many forget how truly ground-breaking the Beasties were.

Formed at Yauch’s 17th birthday party, the Beastie Boys caught the ear of NYU student Rick Rubin, who founded Def Jam Records with Russell Simmons. Rubin produced the abrasive “Licensed,” which became the first rap album to hit No. 1 on the Billboard charts. (In the wake of Yauch’s death, “Licensed” hit No. 18 [chai] on the Billboard 200, with six other Beasties albums re-entering the chart.)

During those uptight Reagan/PMRC (Parents Music Resource Center) years, the Beasties were the American Sex Pistols; anarchists in the USA, sliding on spilled beer across stages that included an underwear-clad caged dancer and props like giant Budweiser cans and a 12-foot-tall hydraulic phallus.

“Licensed to Ill” came bulk-loaded with so many politically incorrect rhymes that, after the band evolved into socially conscious hipster icons, they spent much of their career apologizing for it (as if its cartoony, over-the-top humor was lost on even them).

A falling-out with Def Jam sent them West to Capitol Records, where they recorded 1989’s “Paul’s Boutique,” a transmuting aural odyssey so sampledelic (created before artists paid royalties for samples) it would be cost-prohibitive to create that record today. Ahead of its time, “Paul’s” was not “Licensed, Part II.” Darker and grittier than its happy-go-lucky predecessor, “Paul’s” bombed. Yet this gigantic sonic leap forward became a hip-hop classic.

As they grew from Boys to men, the trio became restless and confident enough musicians to drop their comfort-food, tag-team raps and acknowledge their punk-rock roots or loungy tendencies on top-selling albums like “Ill Communication,” with its hit single “Sabotage,” and “Hello Nasty,” which earned the group two of its three Grammy wins. 

Personality wise, they became reformed Beasties — even borderline preachy. An enlightened Yauch led the charge, trading his Judaism for Buddhism, marrying Tibetan-liberation activist Dechen Wangdu and championing Tibetan independence. In 2008, Yauch launched indie film distributor Oscilloscope Laboratories (“Wendy & Lucy,” Oscar nominees “The Messenger” and “Exit Through the Gift Shop”) with former THINKFilm executive David Fenkel.

In the wake of Yauch’s passing, an outpouring of celebrity grief hit the Twittersphere: Justin Timberlake, Jay-Z, Ben Stiller … even Simmons, who was dissed on “Paul’s,” praised him. Thankfully, Yauch lived long enough to see his group inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in April; only the third rap group to earn such honors, after Run-D.M.C. and Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five.

By far, the best MCA tribute came last year from Yauch himself. Yauch directed the band’s videos as “Nathanial Hörnblowér,” and for the “Hot Sauce Committee” single “Make Some Noise,” he shot the long-form “Fight for Your Right (to Party) Revisited,” doubling as cheap sequel and spoof of their teen hit. It’s a testament to the Beasties’ enduring popularity that a who’s who of celebrities make appearances, including Seth Rogen, Danny McBride, Will Ferrell, Jack Black, Susan Sarandon, Steve Buscemi and Maya Rudolph.

Beastie Boys, as a group, is done. (You can’t just hire another MCA like Weezer can a new bassist.) So what’s the silver lining? Perhaps Yauch’s legacy is that others will be inspired by his social activism and support of independent filmmakers in an age when studios would rather make blockbusters like “The Avengers.” And while the last two albums were arguably “meh,” Yauch proved one could mature gracefully, humor intact, and still stay relevant. In rap years, Beastie Boys were AC/DC. What other ’80s hip-hop act has topped the charts for 26 years?

What’s eerie, I realized, was how MCA performed a rare solo jam, “A Year and a Day,” on “Paul’s.” I guess back in ’89 he called it. On May 4, Yauch died “a year and a day” after their final album’s release.

Michael Aushenker lives in Pacific Palisades, where he writes for the Malibu Times and contributes as a cartoonist to Heavy Metal magazine and Gumby comics. His latest comic book, “Bart Simpson” No. 70, is now on sale at newsstands and bookshops everywhere. Visit CartoonFlophouse.com.

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Time to expand dialogue and partnership with Israel

This week, I traveled from Israel to engage in discussions with Jewish community leaders and activists in Southern California. As a proud Israeli Zionist, I work to promote the flourishing ties between Israel and Diaspora Jewry. I came here as an Israeli who celebrates the link between our proud history and a present filled with unmatched innovation and growth, the Israel of the City of David, King Solomon’s Mines and the “Start-Up Nation.” A state of pioneers and the warriors.

But I also came recognizing that there are aspects of Israel that require correction. We must encourage a pluralistic society in Israel that guarantees religious freedom and equality for all. This goal must be part of our partnership with world Jewry, in the same way that we combine our strengths to advance other national priorities, such as the absorption of immigrants, building an infrastructure for cutting-edge technology, and supporting Israel as it defends its right for survival and security.

Repeated polls indicate an overwhelming majority of Israeli Jews share the same values as the majority of Jews in Los Angeles and the rest of the United States with regard to religious pluralism, freedom of choice and equality. Most Israelis reject the Orthodox monopoly on marriages currently mandated by law. Rather, they support free choice in marriage and conversion, including equal recognition of Reform, Conservative and civil alternatives. Most Israelis support public transportation on Shabbat and strongly oppose segregation of women on buses and in public places in the name of religion.

Our fight is not only about civil freedoms and pluralism, it is about the very survival of the State of Israel as a free and thriving democracy. In recent years, senior economists and military chiefs have pointed to the untenable and unsustainable consequences of the current demographic and political realities, stemming from the corrupt mix of religion and state in Israel. Only last week, the state controller published a scathing report on these very topics, focusing primarily on the economy, employment, education and the military. In fact, the debate recently reached a boiling point when the Supreme Court held unconstitutional the “Tal Bill” (sanctioning the mass exemption of Charedi youth from military service).  

Indeed, before last week’s dramatic move by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Israeli elections were about to be pushed forward by more than a year for these very reasons. However, Netanyahu, whose coalition government depended on the support of the Charedi parties, recognized that his coalition might collapse before a compromise could be reached. He knew he could no longer maintain the scandalous and immoral arrangement whereby the number of yeshiva students eligible for automatic exemption from army service for Charedi grew from 400 in 1948 to more than 63,000 today. So, last week, Netanyahu dramatically eliminated the need for early elections and expanded his coalition base to include Kadima, thereby creating a base of 94 members of Knesset (out of 120). Kadima’s move was explained as necessary to effect a change in the law and to ensure equal shouldering of the civil and security burdens among all Israeli citizens, as well as an electoral reform to limit the extortionist power of small parties. This is the first glimmer in years of the possibility and viability of a much-supported civil coalition.

Stanley Gold, the Los Angeles philanthropist and businessman, and I co-founded Hiddush to create an Israel-Diaspora partnership dedicated to changing this broken reality. Israel’s future is too dear to us to leave it subject to the cynical political horse-trading we have witnessed so often. The unity of the Jewish people is too important for us to sit back and watch an absurd and unacceptable situation, where Israel poses such a significant threat to Jewish Peoplehood. Israelis resent this state of affairs, and while most members of the Diaspora Jewish community are not aware of it, those who are prefer to look the other way so as not to have to address it.

Now is the time for American Jewry to realize that change can happen. You can contribute by demonstrating your desire for an Israel that lives up to a vision of religious freedom and equality and stops the delegation to second-class status not only of women, but also Reform and Conservative Jews, and many Jews by Choice. Now is the time to offer support to the organizations and movements working to realize this vision, to raise a clear and unequivocal voice in communicating to Netanyahu: It is high time for religious freedom and equality for Jews in Israel.

Rabbi Uri Regev is the president of Hiddush — Freedom of Religion for Israel (hiddush.org).

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Building bridges between young U.S. Jews, Israelis

Socio-psychologist Bethamie Horowitz, a professor in the Steinhardt School at NYU and author of the study “Defining Israel Education,” discusses American Jewry’s connection to Israel.

Shmuel Rosner: Why, as you put it, is there a real need for an “effort to more deeply and explicitly weave present-day Israel into the enterprise of American Jewish education”?

Bethamie Horowitz: As American Jews, we’re in a different moment in history compared to 50 years ago, and this means that the role that Israel plays in shaping the psyche of [young] American Jews has changed. In the middle of the 20th century — after the Holocaust, when American Jews themselves were still a “disadvantaged minority” in the United States, the founding of the State of Israel served as a powerful bolster on the world stage to the American Jewish self-understanding, and this continued on in the post-1967 period.

Today, 64 years after Israel’s creation, and at a time when American Jews are much more securely accomplished — when being Jewish in America has become an admirable condition, rather than a source of disadvantage — raising young American Jews to feel that Israel matters to them is not as “naturally occurring” as it once was.

At this point in time, there is growing recognition in the American Jewish community that developing a significant connection to contemporary Israel depends especially on the explicit educational efforts of families, educators and communities. It can’t be assumed to arise without some kind of deliberate educational choreography.

SR: You recommend a “clear and compelling conception” for the role of Israel in contemporary American Judaism. But until such a conception emerges, if it ever does, what do we say?

BH: I think we should recognize (i.e., “say to ourselves”) that American Jewry and Israel are not one and the same. The relationship between U.S. Jews and Israel has been evolving — in light of changes in both communities over the past half a century. We’re no longer necessarily joined at the hip, while it’s clear that we remain part of an extended family. I’d like to think that we are in the midst of reinventing the relationship.

As this shift is taking place, I see more confusion today than in the past about the mutual roles of American Jews and Israel toward one another. This gray area opens up an educational opportunity to explore the many views, emotions, questions and concerns and their various roots.

Allowing room for this kind of “bottom-up,” inquiry-oriented exploration would help us clarify the nature of the relationship between U.S. Jews and Israel in ways that could be instructive and productive.

SR: You write: “All of the interviewees viewed building of a personal connection between the student and Israel as lying at the heart of Israel education, but there were differences about how the political issues of the day should be handled.” Can you explain why?

BH: The politics surrounding Israel are contentious, and, on top of that, the climate in the American Jewish world regarding the airing of differences has made educators wary.

Some people considered the political questions as complicating Israel education and preferred to keep those separate. They chose to bracket the political issues, because these are so divisive within the Jewish communal-organizational world, and because much work in Israel education, particularly as it relates to young children, is separate from the political. Also, many institutions worry about alienating funders with different views upon whose largess their enterprises depend.

Others viewed these political issues as something that needs to be addressed educationally. This is especially so for the people who deal with teens and adults.

SR: From your study one can learn that talking about Israel’s vices and follies, and about dilemmas and disagreements, can “generate interest and emotional investment” — does what you say mean we should discount that fear of distancing over political disagreements?

BH: When identity with Israel isn’t self-evident, a core educational challenge is how to create motivation to learn about and connect with Israeli life and its dilemmas. We need to create space for people to have their views without being rejected or silenced out of hand. There’s been a tendency to silence within the U.S. Jewish community for fear of not wanting to air differences and worries about “lending ammunition to Israel’s enemies.”

I think the policy-making world will continue to debate the question of how connected U.S. Jews are and in what ways they (should) relate to Israel. The so-called “distancing debate” has been too simplistic insofar as analysts have employed a few quantitative, scalar measures to summarize a complex array of feelings, beliefs and perceptions that we’d do better to examine in greater depth.

SR: You suggest there should be “more attention” to learning Hebrew? Is that a realistic goal?

BH: Language attainment is a way of accessing the broader culture of contemporary Israel, and even though it may not be realistic as a strategy for everyone, it’s a laudable goal, one that may be worth revisiting in light of today’s realities. The delivery system for teaching and learning Hebrew has broadened compared to a generation or two ago. There are growing opportunities to learn Hebrew in U.S. public schools — in high schools, and now in charter schools, as well as at the university level. Plus, there is a growing variety of opportunities for spending time in Israel. Why rule Hebrew out?

SR: How can Israel and Israelis contribute to this effort to have improved Israel education for American Jews?

BH: My sense is that Israel has long been interested in its own forms of “Israel education” that were shaped by its own concerns. What’s notable now, especially with the founding of the iCenter, a U.S.-based organization that champions Israel education targeted at children through the end of high school, is that this is an effort of American-based Jewish educators to address these issues.

The other thing that characterizes the current interface of U.S. Jews and Israel is the attention to building person-to-person relationships, through mifgashim. And also the accessibility in the U.S. to the amazing fruits of Israeli culture. I’d like to see Israelis come to appreciate the ways that American Jews have been creators of American general culture, in addition to developing an understanding of what Jewish community and religious life look like when there isn’t a state apparatus making it all official, as in Israel — where instead it’s more voluntary.

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