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April 13, 2011

Egypt’s Mubarak, sons detained

Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and his two sons have been detained for 15 days while the country’s prosecutor general investigates corruption allegations.

Wednesday’s detentions came a day after Mubarak, 82, was hospitalized in Sharm el-Sheik with heart problems, which afflicted him as prosecutors began questioning him over allegations of corruption and abuse of power. He is also being investigated on allegations that he ordered the military to fire on demonstrators. State prosecutors are probing his sons, Alaa and Gamal, on allegations of embezzlement.

The detentions were announced on Egyptian state television and on the Egyptian prosecutor general’s Facebook page.

In a five-minute recording released April 10, Mubarak denied the accusations against him and his family.

Mubarak, the president of Egypt for 30 years, stepped down Feb. 11 and power was transferred to the military’s Supreme Council following popular protests that began in late January. Mubarak has been under house arrest ever since in Sharm el-Sheik, a resort city on the Red Sea. Presidential elections are due in September.

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Iran boasts of nuclear advances

A top Iranian nuclear official is boasting of advances in the country’s nuclear program.

In statements over recent days, Fereydoun Abbasi, who directs Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, has said that Bushehr, the country’s first commercial reactor, will be operational by May; that Iran plans to launch four to five research reactors in the next several years; and that the country has modernized centrifuges for enriching uranium.

Iran, reeling from the U.S.-led drive to toughen sanctions and from revelations that its centrifuge program was thrown into disarray by a computer virus, has sought to reassert its determination to advance a nuclear program it insists is peaceful.

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Bieber says logistics stalled meeting with kids

A spokesman for Justin Bieber told JTA that the pop star is not meeting with children from Israel’s rocket-beset south because of logistics, not politics.

“Justin welcomes the chance to meet with kids facing difficult circumstances, regardless of their background, and in fact, he had already invited children from the Sderot area to join the 25,000-plus other fans at his concert in Tel Aviv on Thursday night,” the spokesman told JTA.

Bieber was enjoying his first trip to Israel, the spokesman said, “despite some logistical challenges.”

The pop star has complained on Twitter that the Israeli paparazzi have forced him to hole up in his hotel room.

“i want to see this country and all the places ive dreamed of and whether its the paps or being pulled into politics its been frustrating,” he tweeted Tuesday.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly canceled a meeting with Bieber set for Wednesday, a day before the concert, after the singer refused to meet with children from southern Israel, Israel’s Channel 2 reported. Netanyahu reportedly had invited children living in communities that have been hit by rockets fired from Gaza to join the sit-down. Bieber and his manager had asked for the meeting with Netanyahu, according to reports.

Some 700 children from southern Israeli communities that have been hit by rockets and missiles from Gaza were given free tickets to the concert. The tickets, as well as transportation, are a gift of The Schusterman Foundation-Israel, The Morningstar Foundation and ROI Community of Young Jewish Innovators.

Bieber arrived Monday in Israel and has been touring the country. His itinerary includes visits to Christian sites in the Galilee, the Dead Sea, Masada, Acre and Caesarea.

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McCormick stopping spice sales to Iran

Spice giant McCormick has agreed to stop selling its spices to Iran, following the efforts of a Baltimore Jewish activist.

Jay Bernstein, an attorney and community activist, read in The New York Times article last December that despite sanctions against Iran, the U.S. Treasury was still allocating licenses to American companies to conduct business with the Islamic Republic. One of those companies, he learned, was the Baltimore-based McCormick & Co., founded in 1889 by a Jewish immigrant.

“It seemed that what we could do is draw attention to McCormick and get them to reconsider,” Bernstein said.

In January, Bernstein wrote to Freeman Hrabowski III, president of the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, and a McCormick board member, asking that he “exert” his influence on McCormick to “do the right thing and end all business dealings with and in Iran.”

Shortly after, he received word that McCormick would “cease such sales as long as Iran is subject to the comprehensive sanctions programs imposed by the U.S. government.”

Jim Lynn, McCormick’s director of corporate communications, told the Baltimore Jewish Times that McCormick distributes its spices to some 100 countries. But he said the company could not get assurances by certain parties that the products would not be sold by companies connected in some ways to companies that had been blacklisted, so McCormick decided not to sell in Iran.

“Is it going to bring down a regime? No,” Bernstein said. “But McCormick showed a great example of corporate responsibility. And if more companies did what they are doing, the regime in Iran would feel more pressure. It’s gratifying that they were responsive.”

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Lieberman says he is unconcerned about likely indictment

Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman said he has no cause for concern following an announcement that he would be indicted on graft charges.

“I know and you know that I always acted in accordance with the law, and there is no reason for worry,” Lieberman said Wednesday. “After 15 years, I finally will have an opportunity to prove that I acted lawfully.”

Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein said the State Prosecutor’s Office would press charges against Lieberman for fraud, money laundering, breach of trust and witness tampering. The announcement came just as Lieberman was about to deliver an address at a Yisrael Beiteinu party convention.

Lieberman can request a hearing to try to prevent the actual indictment. If he rejects the hearing in order to avoid exposing his defense strategy, the indictment will be served.

Lieberman has said in the past that if he is indicted, he will resign as foreign minister.

The charges come from several incidents. Lieberman allegedly operated six to 10 shell companies during his tenure in the National Infrastructure, Transportation and Strategies Affairs ministries, through which he is said to have laundered bribe money.

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Israel sees first civil union

An Israeli couple was married in a civil union for the first time.

The wedding Tuesday follows the passage last year of a civil union law, which allows couples in which both partners are not Jewish to have a civil marriage.

Twenty-five Israeli couples have already met the criteria, The Jerusalem Post reported, and all have been questioned by local religious authorities to make sure they are not Jewish.

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Poet’s Haggadah story

Every year at Passover, families around the world pull out their Haggadahs for their Seders, and whether they use a traditional text, a modern one, or even Maxwell House, the story and the words remain largely the same.  But one man, Rick Lupert, saw an opportunity to do something more than produce just another slight tweaking of the classic text.  And thus, the Poet’s Haggadah was born.

The idea didn’t emerge out of nowhere, Lupert’s been running a poetry website – Poetrysuperhighway.com—for over a decade, and one of his main goals is getting poets from around the country to connect.  “I’m always looking for different ways to get poets to share their work with each other,” Lupert says.  One year, as Passover approached, Lupert realized that there might be a way to combine his interest in poetry and Judaism in a unique way. “I thought, ‘wouldn’t it be interesting if poets reinterpreted the Haggadah.’”

Lupert put out a call for submissions and turned to some Los Angeles poets whose work he felt might fit.  He had no clue what the response would be, although he hoped that due to the success of past poetry exchanges he’d done, and the large number of poets who visited his site, that he’d get some good interest. 

One of the poets Lupert contacted was Rachel Kann.  “I’ve known Rick for years and years,” says Kann, “through the poetry community…but not through anything Jewish.”  For Kann, the opportunity to connect her poetry with her Judaism was a welcome one.  “I think he knew I’d be excited about it,”  says Kann, “I take my Judaism very seriously.”

Kann was raised in a secular household in a small town, where, she says, she and her siblings made up roughly “50 percent of the Jewish population.”  It wasn’t until she was older, and “tattooed” that she grew into her Judaism, finding inspiration in the writing of Aryeh Kaplan and Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav.  Kann decided to write a poem responding to the song Dayeinu.  As she describes it, the poem barely made it in the book as she struggled to get it in before the deadline, but Kann is thrilled it did.  “I have so much gratitude (to Rick) for giving me the assignment,” says Kann. “It parted my Red Sea…I was struggling.”

A few months after publishing her poem, a friend invited Kann to read at an event for the Los Angeles Board of Rabbis.  Kann “was freaking out” before her reading.  She wondered how the rabbis would respond to a tattooed outsider reading her potentitally blasphemous poem.

“I was thinking, I’m going to get struck by lightning for reading this poem here,” Kann recalls.  To her surprise, the rabbis “were so supportive. The response I got was very healing for me, very affirming.”  As a Jew who often felt like an outsider, Kann’s poem allowed her to feel like she was accepted.

Poet Larry Colker was similarly solicited for a contribution.  He spent a number of days trying to figure out what to write about.

“I was reluctant because “occasional” poetry is typically a trap for mediocre work,” Colker says.  But because of his respect for Lupert, Colker pressed forward.  What emerged was a poem about Elijah the prophet, which Colker says is “very personal.”  He submitted it despite some trepidation, because he trusted Lupert. “Rick always endows his creations with unique…wrinkles…so I thought it would be fun.”

When Ellyn Maybe, a regular at many LA Poetry events, heard from Lupert, she jumped right in. “It sounded so cool,” says Maybe, who submitted a poem about the “Four Questions” that delves into issues of social justice.  “I think that’s one thing poets do naturally… questioning,” says Maybe. 

It wasn’t the first dip into the world of Jewish poetry for Maybe, who has also written poems on topics like Yom Kippur.  “It’s important to look deeper into things for yourself,” says Maybe about her decision to delve into Jewish holidays.  For Maybe, whose work is usually not so steeped in Judaism,— she’s traveling with her band to the Glastonbury festival later this year to perform—it was a unique chance to explore Jewish themes.

One thing Maybe loved about the project was the “Poets’ Seder” that went on after the anthology was completed.  A number of poets who’d published in the book gathered at Beyond Baroque, an arts center in Venice.  “They came out, we had some music, it was sort of a performance seder,” says Lupert.  The poets in attendance read their work live, and others called in from around the globe.  As Maybe recalls it, “a lot of poets read that night. I think it was moving.  It’s neat when people are in an anthology together and get to hear their work spoken, too.”

The event was a big success and is available to listen to at poetseder.com, where the anthology can also be purchased.

Lupert hopes the book will find a place at the seders of people around Los Angeles and around the world.  “I didn’t think anyone would necessarily use this as a Haggadah,” Lupert says, though he did just that at a seder at his in-laws.  Lupert hoped that the book could supplement a traditional Haggadah at a seder, and that it would “be an interesting read, whether or not people used it for Passover.” 

“Everyone has their own sensibility about what they enjoy,” Lupert says.  He doesn’t expect that every person will love every poem in the anthology, but he hopes that through its diversity it offers something for everyone.  And if you enjoy poetry, you may want to pick up a copy for your own seder and see for yourself.

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African stamps honor Jews who fought apartheid

Every year, Jews around the world tell the story of the Israelites’ liberation from slavery in roughly the same way. And every year, familiar props help bring that story to life.

This Passover, two local Jews — a businessman and an eminent rabbi — are hoping to introduce to the seder a rarely told story about Jews who fought for freedom, bringing to the table a new object that could sit comfortably alongside the bitter herbs, matzah and charoset.

The new visual aid is three sheets of commemorative stamps, which tell the story of the many South African Jews who worked to bring an end to apartheid. The stamps, issued recently by three small West African countries, honor 12 brave Jewish activists, thanks to the efforts of Grant Gochin, a South African-born, Los Angeles-based money manager, who also serves as the Honorary Consul of Togo.

From the earliest days of the ruthless regime that denied South Africans the basic rights of citizenship, Jews were disproportionately found on the front lines of the internal resistance movement. The “Legendary Heroes of Africa” stamps were jointly released on March 1 by the postal authorities of The Gambia, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

Each country authorized a single sheet of four unique stamps, of which fewer than 100,000 copies were printed. Each stamp includes one individual’s name and picture, along with a Star of David and two Hebrew letters, bet and hay, the traditional inscription included on printed matter that serves as a nod to the divine assistance that helps projects come to fruition.

Gochin, who was himself involved in the anti-apartheid movement, worked for a full year to realize his idea, and when he showed the stamps to Rabbi Ed Feinstein of Valley Beth Shalom, the rabbi saw a story that could complement the traditional narrative of the Israelite slaves being freed from bondage in Egypt.

“Here you have contemporary heroes who really did effect an exodus,” Feinstein said, “who really did bring light out of darkness, and life out of death.”

The individuals on the “Heroes” stamps are not household names. Feinstein said he knew of Ruth First, a prominent South African journalist whose anti-apartheid activism landed her in jail, then in exile and ultimately led to her being killed by a letter bomb in 1982. He had also met Helen Suzman, who for years was the lone voice speaking out against apartheid in South Africa’s parliament; she was nominated twice for the Nobel Prize and is “the best-known out of all of them,” Gochin said. “There was no way not to issue a stamp for her.”

At a time when Israel is regularly accused of being an apartheid state, Gochin wants to remind people of the true origins of the word.

“There is zero comparison between apartheid and what happens in Israel,” Gochin said. “It is an absolutely outrageous falsehood that is demeaning to the victims of apartheid and to anybody that stood against apartheid, to compare the rights that everybody enjoys in Israel to the way people were victimized in South Africa.”

That intention may explain why a few prominent Jewish South African anti-apartheid activists are absent from the “Heroes” series. Two politicians, Ronnie Kasrils and the late Joe Slovo — both as well known as anti-Zionists as for their anti-apartheid activism — are not among the 12 featured on the stamps. 

Other than First (who was married to Slovo) and Suzman, the 10 others on the stamps have received far less acclaim. “All of these people were just so ordinary and so unpretentious, down to earth and not looking for accolades,” Gochin said. “Their legacy is being forgotten, and we can’t allow that.”

Their stories all can be found on the Web site legendaryheroesofafrica.com — along with those of Gochin’s aunt and uncle, Esther and Hymie Barsel.

Legendary Heroes of Africa stamp sheet from Gambia featuring, from left, Hilda Bernstein, Lionel “Rusty” Bernstein, Ruth First, Ronald Segal.

Gochin’s cousin, Sunny Lubner, who now lives in Fort Myers, Fla., remembers her parents not just as leaders in the anti-apartheid movement, but as strong supporters of equality across the board. “They decided early on that they did not want to live in a society that frowned on blacks, Jews, communists, gays — everything,” Lubner said. “They were really ahead of their time in all of those issues.”

Like most South African Jews, the Barsels were both of Lithuanian descent, or Litvaks. Esther was born in Lithuania; Hymie was the son of two immigrants from that region.

“These were people coming to South Africa having experienced intense hatred against them,” Gochin said of South Africa’s Litvak Jews, many of whom arrived in the years that followed the 1915 expulsion of Jews from Lithuania. “And they got to South Africa,” Gochin said, “and they saw hatred against black people.”

Some Jews were reluctant to speak out, fearing they might make themselves unwelcome in their new haven. “At the same time,” Gochin said, “there was this other side that said, ‘How can you possibly stand by and see being done to other people what was done to us?’ You have to stand up.”

Jews made up just 2 percent of the white population of apartheid-era South Africa, but they constituted at least half of the country’s white anti-apartheid activists, Gochin said.

Signing up for the fight against apartheid was an easy way to make life in South Africa very difficult. “We always knew that our house was under surveillance,” Lubner said. “We always knew that our phone was tapped.”

Lubner was 8 years old in 1956 when her father was accused of treason, along with 155 other eminent anti-apartheid activists. “South Africa was such a police state at that point that people were afraid of being associated with us,” Lubner said. “Very few of our relatives would have anything to do with us.”

Hymie Barsel was held for three years before the apartheid-era government dropped the treason charges. While in jail, he was brutally tortured. “They were very clever,” Lubner said of her father’s captors. “They would inflict damage on the spleen, which apparently is very difficult to detect.”

Esther Barsel, who was not tried in 1956, went to prison for her part in the anti-apartheid struggle in 1964. She spent four years in jail, followed by five years of house arrest. She had to get police permission to attend her daughter’s wedding in 1968. Lubner got married in a Johannesburg synagogue 10 minutes from her childhood home. “She [Esther Barsel] had to be home by 10 o’clock that night,” Lubner recalled.

Hymie Barsel died in 1987 without seeing the fruits of his activism. Esther Barsel, however, lived to see the end of the apartheid system, which began to be dismantled in 1990. South Africa has since honored her memory in various ways — the cell where she was incarcerated has been turned into a memorial installation, and when she died in 2008, Nelson Mandela publicly mourned her passing.

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Becoming a Kingdom of Priests: Achrei Mot (Leviticus 16:1-18:30)

I want to recruit you into an order to which all Jews belong: the Mamlechet Kohanim, the Kingdom of Priests. I begin my campaign as we read of Aaron, the priest, and the instructions given him when he is, according to 12th century commentator Nachmanides, “in the most severe stage of mourning,” a time of sadness when “the Holy Spirit does not manifest itself.”

In Parshat Shemini, we saw Aaron swaddled in silence, having witnessed the deaths of his two sons, who were consumed by fire during the dedication of the Tabernacle. Since then, we have read about those relegated to life outside the camp with conditions anthropologist Mary Douglas calls “sacred contagion” — including skin disease or bodily emissions, often incorrectly translated as “impurity” — requiring distancing from the sacred precincts of the Israelite camp, just as Aaron was distanced from the Holy of Holies after his sons’ deaths. Their common emotion is one of alienation or a sense of “otherness” often experienced by those suffering from the unsettling experiences of illness, grief and other radical life changes — even the celebratory ones, such as childbirth — times when the Holy Spirit may feel inaccessible. Also common to these disparate experiences is the need for a priestly ritual in order to restore the individual to the community and to alignment with Holiness. In Aaron’s case, he, as high priest, performs the ritual himself. In the other situation, the priest goes outside the camp to diagnose the condition and initiate the healing ritual.

Reaching out to perform a healing ritual took place in the ancient Jerusalem Temple as well. While they were still outside the Temple’s sacred grounds, community members coping with what today might be understood as bereavement, illness in the family or changes in financial or community status entered the Temple Mount and walked toward a designated entrance on the prescribed “Mourners’ Path.” As it says in Semachot, a minor tractate of the Talmud, “Who are they that circle to the left? A mourner, an ex-communicant, one who has someone sick at home and one concerned with a lost object.”

But I want to know: Who were those that circle to the right? The ones who, according to Semachot, would say to those in this broadened category of mourner, “Hamakom yenachem, May the One Who Dwells in This House comfort you.” These comforters, walking in the opposite direction, were presumably coming toward those outside the Temple from the sacred space within it. They must have just gone through a healing ritual themselves and were feeling empowered to reach out to those who were suffering with these simple words of blessing, “Hamakom yenachem.” They reached out with words of healing, as the priests did to those suffering outside the camp.

All of us — Aaron, the priests ministering to the afflicted in the desert, the ones emerging from the Temple to comfort those on the Mourners’ Path, and those of us who care for others in the community — are part of that Kingdom of Priests, reaching out to bring blessing to those in need. We are empowered/required to perform these healing rituals of comfort, as much a part of Jewish spiritual practice as lighting Shabbat candles and going to synagogue. These are not just the jobs of the rabbis or the caring communities. These are what we are all supposed to do.

So will you sign up? Will you take extra carpool days for the family in the day school with the colicky new baby or give the woman who serves on a committee with you a ride to chemotherapy? Will you bring lentil soup to a house of mourning or invite the new family to Shabbat dinner?

Look around at the people you see each day. How many of them are facing challenges and could use some support? More than you suspect.

Look back at the list of conditions. How many of us would be walking the Temple’s Mourners’ Path? How many people were outside the camp with skin eruptions and strange bodily emissions when they were walking in the desert with no sunscreen or showers for 40 years? Plato said, “Be kind, for everyone is fighting a great battle.” When you reach out with kindness, you walk in God’s ways, and the Holy Spirit is manifest. Join me as we extend our hands to each other in this Mamlechet Kohanim.

Rabbi Anne Brener, a psychotherapist and spiritual counselor, is the author of “Mourning & Mitzvah” (Jewish Lights, 1993 & 2001). She is on the faculty of The Academy for Jewish Religion, California, and the advisory board of Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion’s Kalsman Institute on Judaism and Medicine. Rabbi Brener is also a CLAL-Rabbis Without Borders fellow. She can be reached at {encode=”mekamot@aol.com” title=”mekamot@aol.com”}.

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Jeremy Ben-Ami and David Suissa face-off over Israel

On April 11, David Suissa, a columnist for The Journal, joined Jeremy Ben-Ami, president and founder of J Street, the self-described “pro-Israel, pro-peace” lobby group, for a discussion about what it means to be “pro-Israel.” (SEE COMPLETE VIDEO BELOW)

It was an evening for civil discourse and hard questions, particularly one asked quite often in the two years of J Street’s rapid rise to prominence: Can groups and individuals criticize policies of the Israeli government yet still be pro-Israel?

The topic was nearly identical to one addressed by a committee in the Israeli Knesset in March, but the Monday night event, which drew more than 600 people to Temple Israel of Hollywood, could scarcely have been more different from that investigation.

If the Knesset hearing was designed to endorse or reject Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government’s decision to either isolate or ignore J Street, the “community conversation” at the synagogue assumed such a policy would be wrongheaded.

“Not to argue with each other about important ideas is simply un-Jewish,” Temple Israel Senior Rabbi John Rosove said in his introduction.

Co-sponsored by J Street (and by The Jewish Journal, along with a number of local synagogues), the evening was designed to steer clear of rancorous debate even as it attracted a politically varied audience. Rabbis Ed Feinstein of Valley Beth Shalom,  Zoë Klein of Temple Isaiah, Shmuly Yanklowitz of UCLA Hillel and Sharon Brous of IKAR were each invited to ask one question of the speakers.

Because the evening was organized to focus primarily on the way the Jewish community talks internally about Israel, the discussion felt, at times, oblique.

At no time was this more apparent than when Suissa dispensed with many of the best-known critiques of J Street in an early aside. “I’m afraid I’m going to disappoint all my friends on the right who’ve been asking me to take the gloves off,” he said before quickly running through criticisms of J Street, ranging from the money that the group received (but did not initially disclose) from George Soros, to the way the group is alleged to have escorted South African jurist Richard Goldstone around to the offices of lawmakers in Washington D.C. (Ben-Ami denied the latter point, but not the former.)

Ben-Ami used a similarly light touch when he used one of the metaphors frequently employed by the left — that Israel, by building settlements in the West Bank at a time when negotiations over the land have not been completed, has been eating pieces of a pizza while still discussing how that pizza should be split.

Story continues after the jump.

Part 1

Part 2

Ben-Ami said that he hoped the event would be a chance to model the kind of conversation he wanted to see within the Jewish community and invited Suissa to speak at the next J Street conference. Suissa accepted — albeit with a groan.

“You can ‘oy’ all you want,” Rosove said, “as long as you come.”

All told, the two speakers ended up spending a fair amount of the evening focusing on their similarities rather than on their differences, including:

• Both believe in the premise of “two states for two peoples” (although Suissa took issue with Ben-Ami’s presentation of that solution to the conflict as something that needs to be resolved immediately);
• Both love the city of Jerusalem (although Ben-Ami seemed more willing than Suissa to accept a two-state solution that involves sharing the city); and
• Both see the prospect of the United Nations’ voting to recognize a Palestinian state at the General Assembly in September as a grave diplomatic threat to Israel (although they certainly don’t agree as to what Israel, the United States or American Jews should do about it).

The main point of disagreement between the two men was elicited by a pointed question from Feinstein.

Both speakers, Feinstein said, were fighting against fantasies. Ben-Ami is up against the right wing’s fear that if Israel gives away land in the West Bank, it will suffer more Hamas-launched rocket attacks, like those coming from Gaza, as a result.

Suissa, on the other hand, faces the left’s nightmare scenario that the longer Israel holds onto the West Bank, the more radical the Palestinian population becomes, to the point that it would be taken over by Hamas.

“The question is,” Feinstein said, “how do you proceed with policymaking?”

Their answers were familiar. Ben-Ami proposed that Israel stop building in the West Bank — of its own accord — because it would help to make a peace deal. Suissa, who focused much of his attention on combating the idea that the Israeli settlements are the primary obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, argued that giving land for peace had been tried before and failed. He wants Palestinians to stop the practice of incitement against Israel and be required to come to the negotiating table without preconditions.

What was surprising — on the part of both men — were their acknowledgments of the uncertainties associated with both of their positions.

“Those who, like me, argue that Israel can only be secure and safe and have a future that we can hold onto and relate to by making peace cannot guarantee that signing that agreement will lead to peace,” Ben-Ami said. “We can’t guarantee that there won’t be future terror. We can’t guarantee that there won’t be rockets and bombs and suicide attacks.

“In fact,” Ben-Ami continued, “I would go so far as to say those of us who are arguing for an effort to make a two-state deal need to be honest with everybody upfront and say, ‘There will be terrorism and there will be threats, and there’s going to be a lot more need for security after a deal.’ ”

Suissa’s most surprising comment came at an earlier point in the evening, when he acknowledged he didn’t necessarily have a clear set of steps that Israel — or the United States, or American Jews — should be taking next.

“All my friends on the left have this one fantastic argument: What do we do now?” Suissa said, preempting what he called the best response to his position. “It’s a great question.”

Ultimately, Suissa argued forcefully as to why J Street and others on the left were wrong to pressure Israel in pursuit of a peace deal and why he believes the focus on settlements covers up real obstacles to peace (Hamas, the Palestinian right of return).

But when Ben-Ami ticked off the basic shape a Palestinian state would likely take — 70 percent of the Israeli settlement blocs in the West Bank to be incorporated into Israel; land-swaps to make up the difference; and the fate of the city-size settlement of Ariel still to be determined — Suissa nodded along in agreement.

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