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March 1, 2011

New mall in Caracas provides a safe haven for Jews

Six teenagers sit laughing around barely touched platters of hamburgers and fries on a recent Friday afternoon, oblivious to the deli manager’s harried attempts to close out the cash register ahead of the rapidly declining sun.

One of the teens remembers to return a blue-and-white kipah the restaurant keeps on hand in case a customer forgets to bring his own.

“I’m leaving in exactly seven minutes,” the manager says politely but firmly. “Come back anytime after Shabbat.”

At a new mall in Caracas, where Cafe Hillel is among dozens of establishments catering to a primarily Jewish clientele, it’s an extraordinary scene.

The Galerias Sebucan mall, which opened late last year just blocks from a grand new Sephardic synagogue in a well-known Jewish neighborhood, has Jewish owners. Most, if not all, of the shop owners are Jewish. So are many of the patrons.

That has made the mall a place both where the diversity of Jewish Venezuelan culture is on vivid display and where Jews can feel safe in a city plagued by violent crime—and where Jews don’t always feel safe to appear identifiably Jewish.

But Coby Benzaquen, the owner of Cafe Hillel, said a key motivating factor behind opening the kosher deli was the desire to provide a safe, upscale environment for young Jews to hang out.

“The community didn’t have a place where families and young people could go and feel comfortable,” Benzaquen said.

For a community that has seen its numbers dwindle in the face of an economic crisis, rising crime, the stirrings of anti-Semitism and the strident anti-Zionism promoted by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, the opening of a mall catering to Jewish Venezuelans would seem to be bad business.

Benzaquen is undeterred by such pessimism.

“You can’t give up your quality of life because of fear,” he said. “The Jew is a fighter. He’s always moving forward.”

Families of all religious stripes pass through the compact, three-story commercial center.

On a given afternoon, young Orthodox families can be seen pushing strollers as they window shop and chase small boys with unshorn locks. Students from the local Jewish school, wearing navy blue sweat suits emblazoned with menorahs, stand around in clusters. Deeply tanned young women sporting Hamsa necklaces scroll through their iPhones and meet for coffee and crepes. This being Venezuela, many of them are scantily clad, showing off their surgical “enhancements.”

The Jewish community has fallen to about 10,000 from a peak of 20,000 just before Chavez came to power in 1999. Many Jews cite rising crime, politics and anti-Semitic rants from government media as reasons for leaving.

Meanwhile, despite historically high oil prices, Venezuela was among the few economies in Latin America to contract last year due to severe power shortages, strict foreign exchange controls and the ever-present threat of expropriation of private holdings by the government.

Benzaquen is the first to admit that opening a kosher establishment in a city that many Jews have abandoned and has become notoriously inhospitable to privately owned businesses is “a gamble.” But he says it’s not just about business.

“This isn’t really a business for us,” Benzaquen said, referring to himself and his partner, Mois Azerraf. “It’s more like a personal whim. We just really felt the need for it.”

Cafe Hillel, which has a huge mural of the Brooklyn Bridge and nearly a dozen flat-screen televisions mounted on the wall, offers American-style food such as burgers and sandwiches. It’s probably also the only place in Caracas where you can order a pastrami sandwich.

Benzaquen says the Galerias Sebucan mall is just one of two in Latin America that allows store owners to observe Shabbat and Jewish holidays. The other is in Buenos Aires, home to South America’s largest Jewish community.

“Imagine being closed on Saturday—that’s the busiest day of the week,” Benzaquen said.

At Cafe Hillel, Adriana Coriat stops in for a bite at the behest of her 17-year-old daughter. The mall, Coriat says, is a welcome addition to the “Jewish bubble” at Club Hebraica, which is home to the community’s school and also serves as a social and athletic club. Many Caracas Jews point to the club as a symbol of their community’s unity.

“It’s how we survive here, in our bubble,” she said. “Crime follows us everywhere.”

For her, the Jewish nature of the mall is less important than its convenient location.

“It’s close to the house and, more than anything, a safe place for kids. They can’t just go out in the streets,” Coriat said. “I drop my daughter off here at the door and I pick her up at the same spot.”

Even more so than in North America, malls are a cornerstone of the social landscape in Caracas. Here, malls also feature upscale bars, lounges and restaurants. The idea is that it’s safer to go out where club goers can bounce between night spots under one roof with secure indoor parking.

According to the government’s own recently released statistics, the official murder rate stands at 48 per 100,000, which is above the Latin American average. Independent observers say the murder rate actually is much higher, at 118 per 100,000, making Caracas among the most violent cities in the world.

With just a few hours left before sunset, Menachem Gancz peruses the Jewish history section of the bookstore at Galerias Sebucan, which prominently features books on Kabbalah, the Zohar and “The Jews.” The 25-year old Orthodox Torah teacher says that outside of the city’s more well-to-do sections, he likely would feel compelled to cover up his kipah.

At this mall, no such precaution is necessary.

“Look around you,” he said. “It’s all Jews.”

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Hamas to U.N.: Don’t teach Holocaust

Hamas said it will stop the United Nations from teaching Palestinian children in Gaza about the Holocaust.

The history of the Holocaust is set to become part of a human rights curriculum in Gaza schools run by the U.N. Relief and Works Agency that are attended by more than 200,000 Palestinian children, The Guardian reported.

“We cannot agree to a program that is intended to poison the minds of our children,” said a statement from Hamas’ Ministry for Refugee Affairs. “Holocaust studies in refugee camps is a contemptible plot and serves the Zionist entity with a goal of creating a reality and telling stories in order to justify acts of slaughter against the Palestinian people.”

The Hamas statement said that the UNRWA should focus on teaching about human rights of Palestinians, the Guardian reported.

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Pete Seeger says he regrets taking part in peace rally

Folk music legend Pete Seeger says he regrets taking part in a peace rally for Israel’s Arava Institute for Environmental Studies.

Last November, the 92-year-old musician appeared on “With Earth and Each Other,” billed as on online peace rally in support of the Israeli institute, which brings together an international student body to explore solutions to cross-border ecological problems, particularly those affecting Israel and her Arab neighbors.

A month before the event, Seeger told JTA that he was resisting calls from the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement to call off his participation. He cited the need for dialogue to bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

“I understand why someone would want to boycott a place financially, but I don’t understand why you would boycott dialogue,” Seeger told JTA. “The world will not be here in 50 years unless we learn how to communicate with each other nonviolently.”

According to Adalah, an organization that supports BDS, Seeger met recently with representatives from the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, which he supports financially with proceeds from his music. He told them, the report claims, that he “misunderstood” the Arava Institute’s ties to the Jewish National Fund, which he criticizes for taking Palestinian lands for Jewish settlement.

“I appeared on that virtual rally because for many years I’ve felt that people should talk with people they disagree with. But it ended up looking like I supported the Jewish National Fund,” Seeger told the representatives from the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, they report.

“Now that I know more, I support the BDS movement as much as I can,” Seeger reportedly said.

JNF provides scholarships for Arab and Jewish students, and funding for the institute’s infrastructure, according to Friends of the Arava’s new chair, Seth Morrison.

On Jan. 14, Morrison published an Op-Ed in the Jerusalem Post noting the JNF’s efforts to help the Bedouin and asking the organization not to take Bedouin lands in the South in order to plant trees.

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Wisconsin: Milking the taxpayers

While not the Middle East, the Midwest dairy state of Wisconsin is quite familiar with vigorous politics.

A free state in the Civil War, its later political history encompassed “Fighting Bob” La Follette and the Progressive movement; Joe McCarthy, the anti-communist; and modern welfare reformer Tommy Thompson. Also, it birthed the modern public employee union movement some 80 years ago.

Now, as the Super Bowl euphoria for the Green Bay Packers fades, the state is capturing the nation’s attention with raucous budget and labor debates among teachers, Tea Party activists and outside political forces of the left and right. Recent conservative political momentum in Wisconsin has boosted Republicans dedicated to a growth agenda based on balanced budgets and fiscal reform of unsustainable federal and state entitlements programs.

These reformers are the heirs of Adam Smith, Frederik Hayek and Milton Friedman—God-centered economic philosophers who advocated liberty of conscience, personal autonomy over one’s own work product, private property and wealth creation through industry, savings and investment. And they believed that free markets produce jobs, consumer goods and services, scientific and medical invention, technological innovation, cleaner environments and an ever improving standard of living.

On the other hand, social Democrats impose wealth confiscation and redistribution of income, and rent, wage and price controls with perverse disincentives that result in shortages of housing or more welfare babies.

Academic (not real business world) elites on President Obama’s economic team gave us failed stimulus, patronage favors to supporters, rapidly rising federal deficits and debt, and the myth of Obamacare cost savings.

So, too, state officials year after year spent beyond revenues and signed off on lifelong retiree benefits for public workers. These commitments sit like bricks on the backs of younger workers and constrain future budgets with unfunded liabilities that compete with state funds for education, infrastructure or the new energy future.

U.S. citizens mostly work as free agents: artists, clerks and shopkeepers, construction workers and professionals. We are butchers, brewers and bakers. We make and produce and sell and discover and invent. But we pay more than half our income in local, state and federal fees and taxes while trying to save for retirement. We regard warily the Social Security system, now paying out more than it takes in as the baby boomers retire.

Private sector union membership has diminished. It enjoys hard won and admired rights to organize and negotiate, but higher wage input costs can risk union jobs. The United Auto Workers had to concede gains in the automotive industry bankruptcy reorganization.

Government employees—nearly half of all union workers now—are another case.

When President Kennedy’s executive order established limited collective bargaining rights for federal employees, it was widely seen as a political effort to assist his own Democrat Party. President Franklin D. Roosevelt two decades before Kennedy had been highly skeptical, asserting that “all government employees should realize that the process of collective bargaining, as usually understood, cannot be transplanted into the public service.”

Americans don’t much like those who work for them to quit on the job or harm the public’s interest. President Truman confidently seized the railroads, President Nixon kept open the post offices and President Reagan fired striking federal air traffic controllers.

State public employees are protected by civil service workplace rules over wages, hours, fringe benefits, employee discipline and termination, and workplace safety. That’s fine.

“Collective bargaining” makes sense only when labor and management sit down and negotiate. But as President Roosevelt long ago recognized, there is a conflict of interest when public unions campaign for and against, vote for and against, befriend or threaten, fund and control the elected officials across the table, who are also public employees.

Government unions elect their bosses? Like FDR, taxpayers are asking: Exactly what kind of fair bargaining is this?

Eventually, then, taxpayers elect governors to reform lifetime pension benefit formulas based on spiked salaries and double dipping, yet not payable until their union-favored predecessors are long out of office. Some teachers have behaved badly, with fraudulent sick-outs, and Wisconsin’s fugitive 14 Democrat state senators disobeyed their oaths, essentially shutting the down the government.

Again, FDR: “Particularly, I want to emphasize my conviction that militant tactics have no place in the functions of any organization of government employees.”

Polls show voters also have little sympathy for the public employee union bosses, who favor layoffs of state workers rather than their own diminished bargaining power or any reduction in compulsory union member dues.

As Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker put it, “What changes is the fact that no longer can our unions have a stranglehold—not only on the state government but local government—to force them to not alter benefit packages that are like a virus eating up our budget.”

President Kennedy did understand the true meaning of public service, asserting “Ask not what you country can do for you, but what you can do for your country.”

It’s time to step up, public servants, to be worthy of that calling.

(Larry Greenfield is a fellow in American studies at The Claremont Institute for the Study of Statesmanship & Political Philosophy.)

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Natalie Portman Vs. Dior Ex-Designer’s Anti-Semitism [UPDATE] [VIDEO]

The Oscar-winning, Jerusalem-born Natalie Portman has slammed the anti-Semitic remarks Dior’s just-axed chief designer John “I Love Hitler” Galliano allegedly made after assaulting a couple in Paris last week, as caught on video.  The Miss Dior Cherie spokesperson/model—who pointedly did not wear Dior but Rodarte to the Oscars—released a statement: 

“I am deeply shocked and disgusted by the video,” the “Black Swan” star said. “In light of this video, and as an individual who is proud to be Jewish, I will not be associated with Mr. Galliano in any way. I hope at the very least, these terrible comments remind us to reflect and act upon combating these still-existing prejudices that are the opposite of all that is beautiful.”

Dior fired Galliano, a favorite at the company company since 1996, in the aftermath of his rants:  “In light of the deeply offensive statements and conduct by John Galliano in a video made public [Monday], Christian Dior has commenced termination procedures against him,” one statement reads. “We unequivocally condemn the statements made by John Galliano which are in total contradiction to the longstanding core values of Christian Dior.”

Move over, Mel Gibson and Charlie Sheen. 

So here’s the chain of events to incidents that give a whole new dimension to the term, “Fashion Victim:”  Last week, Galliano was suspended from Dior after allegedly spewing a drunken tirade at a couple sitting near him in Paris’ La Perle restaurant (sample:  “Dirty Jewish face…you should be dead,” he yelled at the woman—who reportedly turned out not to even be MOT—while insulting her thighs and eyebrows.  And “f—king Asian bastard,” he told the man, before threatening to murder him. 

Dior suspended the haute fashionista, citing their “zero tolerance” policy toward anti-Semitism and racism; an indignant Galliano filed a defamation suit against the couple.  But then that disturbing “I Love Hitler” video surfaced—reportedly filmed last year at La Perle—with Galliano caught on tape slurring about his admiration for The Fuhrer and telling another woman that her family would be gassed and that he wouldn’t want peace with “people [such as herself] who are ugly.” 

Portman publicly voiced her disapproval, as did Dior’s President and CEO Sidney Toledano.  “I condemn most firmly the statements made by John Galliano which are total contradiction with the essential values that have always been defended by the House of Christian Dior,” he stated.  “Today, because of the particularly odious nature of the behavior and words of John Galliano in a video made public this Monday, the Christian Dior house has decided to lay him off immediately and has begun firing procedures against him.”

So now the question is:  Will Dior’s fashion show continue as planned for Friday, even though it was conceived by the disgraced designer?  If it does, at least one Oscar-winning actress may not be in the audience.  However, Portman did film her sexy commercial for Dior’s perfume as scheduled last week, directed by Sofia Coppola (see video below).

 

Natalie Portman Vs. Dior Ex-Designer’s Anti-Semitism [UPDATE] [VIDEO] Read More »

Yemen’s president blames the Jews for popular uprising

Why was the Arab News headline “An Israeli conspiracy that never existed” ” title=”garbage like this”>garbage like this from president of Yemen:

Yemen’s president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, blamed Israel for planning and funding protests in several Arab states.

“There is an operations rooms in Tel Aviv with the aim of destabilizing the Arab world,” Saleh reportedly said Tuesday during a speech at Sanaa University, adding that the operations room is “run by the White House.”

“The wave of political unrest sweeping across the Arab world is a conspiracy that serves Israel and the Zionists,” he also said.

Yemen has been the site of anti-regime protests for the past two weeks—one of several Arab countries in which protesters have attempted or succeeded in deposing their rulers.

Saleh, who has ruled Yemen for 32 years, has rejected calls to step down.

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Arab unrest alters power balance in as yet unseen ways

They were the devils they knew.

Though Israel lives in a dangerous neighborhood, surrounded by countries whose leaders or people wish its destruction, over the years it had adjusted to the status quo, more or less figuring out how to get by while keeping an eye on gradual change.

But the sudden upheaval in the region that in a matter of weeks has toppled regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, and threatens autocrats in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and elsewhere, is forcing Israel to grapple with how to recalibrate for dramatic change.

For the time being, as Israel sits and watches how things play out from Tripoli to Manama, Bahrain, it’s not clear exactly how the game will change.

“The best answer is we don’t know,” Ron Pundak, the director of the Peres Center for Peace in Herzliya said this week at the J Street conference in Washington.

“The biggest change since 1967 is this tsunami rolling across the region whose end results no one really can foresee,” said Samuel Lewis, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel who attended the conference. “Something new is happening in the Arab world.”

In some places, like Libya, the immediate effects on Israel are minimal. Libyan strongman Muammar Gadhafi’s state has had no ties to Israel, so the dictator’s demise—if it comes—wouldn’t change much for Israelis.

“The civil war raging in Libya poses no immediate cause for concern in Israel,” Israeli journalist Avi Issacharoff wrote in Haaretz.

However, the cumulative effects of the Middle East unrest are prompting shifts throughout the region that may require dramatic strategic rethinking in the Jewish state.

Every time a protest movement in the Middle East succeeds, protest movements elsewhere are emboldened, and that has put many regimes that for decades have not been hostile to Israel—including those of the Persian Gulf, Jordan and North Africa—on alert and at risk.

With Israel and the West engaged in a proxy war with Iran for regional hegemony, the fall of autocratic regimes allied with the West provides an opening for Iran to expand its power and sphere of influence.

And Iran is intent on doing so. It was no accident that just days after the fall of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, Tehran dispatched two warships to sail through the Suez Canal—something Iran had not dared to do since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The ships docked in Syria in what Iran’s Navy chief, Rear Adm. Habibollah Sayyari, described as “a routine and friendly visit” to “carry the message of peace and friendship to world countries.”

In truth, it was an exercise in saber rattling.

Iran is projecting “self-confidence and certain assertiveness in the region,” Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak told CNN. Nevertheless, he said, “I don’t like it, but I don’t think that any one of us should be worried by it.”

When a pair of rockets fired from Gaza hit the Israeli city of Beersheba last week, some Israeli analysts saw it as another example of Iran’s saber rattling. Iran has sent weapons to Gaza and seeks more influence there, even though the strip’s Hamas rulers are Sunni Muslims, and Iran is a Shiite power.

“I do not recommend that anyone test Israel’s determination,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said after the rocket attack.

The great fear is that regimes friendly toward Israel (Egypt, Jordan), or friendly with Israel by proxy via the United States (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain), or not actively hostile (Libya, among others), will be co-opted by elements with greater animus toward the Jewish state.

That hostility could come from any one of a number of places. On the Egyptian front, the long-outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, an ally of Hamas, stands to gain greater power. In the cases of Tunisa and Libya, there is fear that al-Qaeda could capitalize on a power vacuum and take root. In Bahrain, which is overwhelmingly Shiite but ruled by a Sunni king, the concern is that genuine democracy could throw the country the way of Iran.

“The regional balance of power is changing, and not necessarily in Israel’s favor,” Robert Serry, the U.N. secretary-general’s special coordinator for the Middle East peace process, said at the J Street conference.

But there could be some good news, too. The uprisings that have spread from North Africa to the Persian Gulf have been broad-based, loosely organized protest movements led by young people networking through the Internet and social media like Facebook. They have not been dominated by Islamists, and the protesters have not made Israel a focal point.

Whether these young people really will take hold of the levers of power, and how they will relate to Israel in the future, are open questions.

For those concerned with Israel, the unrest is being interpreted one of two ways, depending largely on political leanings. Those on the right point to the instability as a reason for Israel to be more wary of concessions in any peace agreements, since their peace partner could disappear at any time.

“Why should Israel expect that another agreement would not be overturned by some new revolution, change of mind or cynical long-term plan?” columnist Barry Rubin wrote in The Jerusalem Post.

Those on the left say that if Israel does not resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict quickly with a peace deal, the new generation of leaders emerging in the Arab world won’t be able to see Israel as anything other than an occupier and repressor of Palestinian rights. Arab commentators echo that thinking.

“The hatred of Israel will not end until you start treating Palestinians with freedom and dignity,” Egyptian journalist Mona Eltahawy said at the J Street conference. “This is the time for Israel to sit down and make concrete concessions.”

In Jerusalem, the government is still in the wait-and-see mode, albeit with as much handwringing as possible.

Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon, speaking Tuesday in Brussels, warned that the danger is that democracy movements in the Arab world will be “hijacked,” emulating the “model of Iran, the model of Hamas in Gaza, the model of Hezbollah in Lebanon,” according to the German news agency DPA.

Ayalon also said the unrest in the Arab world demonstrates that the notion of the Arab-Israel conflict being the region’s most serious issue is just not true.

“The real major problem of the Middle East, which is now so glaringly evident, is the dysfunctionality of the Arab societies,” Ayalon reportedly said, noting the absence of “rights of any kind.”

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It’s official: Jewish camp strengthens Jewish identity

Hundreds of thousands of Jewish camp alumni—and their parents—have long known that those halcyon weeks spent at Jewish summer camp don’t just cement lifelong friendships, they strengthen Jewish identity.

Now they have it in writing.

A new study on the long-term impact of Jewish overnight camp concludes that those who have attended camp are more Jewishly engaged as adults, according to 13 key variables, than those who did not go to camp.

“We finally have a tool that proves Jewish camp works, that it helps create a more vibrant Jewish future,” said Jeremy Fingerman, CEO of the Foundation for Jewish Camp, which advocates for more than 155 Jewish nonprofit camps in North America and sponsored the study.

“Camp Works: The long-term impact of Jewish overnight camp” used data from 26 national studies of adult Jewish engagement, including the 2000-2001 National Jewish Population Survey, to produce the first statistical look at the effect of Jewish camping on individual as well as communal Jewish identity.

The report shows the most pronounced increase in Jewish engagement in four areas not typically associated with non-Orthodox Jewish behavior. Three of them have to do with Jewish communal identity: Camp alumni are 55 percent more likely than Jewish adults who did not attend camp to say they are “very emotionally attached to Israel”; they are 45 percent more likely to attend synagogue at least once a month; and 30 percent more of them donate to Jewish federations.

This is significant, says lead researcher Steven M. Cohen, director of the Berman Jewish Policy Archive at NYU Wagner, because those three behaviors indicate a certain level of Jewish communal commitment, and it is precisely that communal identification that many Jewish experts fear is most at risk.

“Where camp has had its strongest effect has to do with its creation of an intense, temporary Jewish community,” said Cohen.

That communal experience imprints on the individual, he surmised, leading to a greater propensity to view one’s self within a larger Jewish social network in adulthood.

The other 10 areas of investigation also revealed increased Jewish engagement among camp alumni, from a 37 percent increase in those who “always/usually” light Shabbat candles to a 5 percent increase in the number of those who “always/usually” light Chanukah candles. These 10 areas are related to an individual sense of Jewish identity.

Camp’s impact is more pronounced among non-Orthodox Jews under 49 than their elders, the report notes. That’s probably not because more young Jews have gone to camp, Cohen speculates, but because more options are open to Jews today than in previous generations, and fewer of today’s American Jews live in a primarily Jewish environment.

“If you’re a younger person, you need the intentionality of Jewish camp, or day schools or youth groups, to compensate for the loss of the organic Jewish socialization experience that characterized our parents and grandparents,” he said. “It’s as if to be Jewish today, you have to be Jewishly educated.”

Jewish day schools and youth groups also have a strong impact on Jewish identity, Cohen notes. But similar data studies have not been performed for these two institutions, so the evidence is mainly anecdotal, as it was for camping until now.

“The answer to the question of how do we keep our kids Jewish is not so mysterious,” he concluded. “Strong Jewish homes, supplemented by intensive Jewish educational and socializing experiences.”

Not surprisingly, Fingerman hopes the report will encourage foundations and philanthropists to open their wallets and increase their financial support for Jewish overnight camps.

“It should also be compelling to local federations looking for the best use of their dollars,” said Fingerman, who spent eight summers at Wisconsin’s Camp Ramah in the 1970s and now sends his own children to Camp Yavneh in New Hampshire. “Camps are proven programs in building community, not just Jewish identity.”

More than 70,000 children and teens attended Jewish overnight camp in 2010.

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WikiLeaks’ Assange accuses journalists of Jewish conspiracy

WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange accused British journalists of a “Jewish conspiracy” against him.

The accusation came in remarks published in the British magazine Private Eye, which was reporting on a phone call Assange made on Feb. 16 to the magazine’s editor complaining about British coverage of WikiLeaks, The New York Times reported.

Private Eye had published an article on Assange associate in Russia, Israel Shamir, saying that he had denied the Holocaust. Assange called the article “an obvious attempt to deprive him and his organization of Jewish support and donations,” according to the Jewish Chronicle.

He also said the magazine was “part of a conspiracy” led by “Jewish” writers and specifically cited The Guardian newspaper, naming Editor Alan Rusbridger, a non-Jew, and investigations editor David Leigh.

Assange responded to the Private Eye article on Twitter, saying that editor Ian Hislop, who wrote the article, “distorted, invented or misremembered” what he said, calling his use of the term Jewish conspiracy “false in spirit and in word.”

“We treasure our strong Jewish support and staff, just as we treasure the support from pan-Arab democracy activists and others who share our hope for a just world,” Assange tweeted.

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