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September 21, 2010

NIF changes funding guidelines, but what does it mean?

When Adalah, an Israeli Arab legal rights group, joined an initiative in 2007 to create an Israeli constitution that would dilute—if not remove—the state’s Jewish character, it unleashed a furor in pro-Israel circles.

Much of the anger was directed at the New Israel Fund, a fund-raiser for an array of progressive Israeli organizations that in the same year had sent or directed at least $70,000 to Adalah.

The controversy was among others involving the New Israel Fund that helped spur the formulation of new guidelines for its grantees. Made public last week, the guidelines require that grantees commit to avoiding actively undermining Israel’s Jewish identity.

Daniel Sokatch, NIF’s director, says the Jewish identity issue will become integral to the group’s pitch to donors.

“We believe that Israel is the vehicle for the national sovereignty of the Jewish people and simultaneously an open society conferring equality on all its citizens,” he told JTA in an interview in the group’s Washington offices.

A participant in a conference call Sokatch held Monday with NIF board members and major donors said the new guidelines were intended to clarify NIF’s mission and did not represent a shift in philosophy.

Qualifications in the guidelines left NIF’s critics wondering exactly how applying the new guidelines would work.

The change at NIF follows a difficult year for the organization.

Decades of muted criticism for its support of a handful of groups that track alleged Israeli abuses and accommodate the non-Zionist outlook that prevails in Israel’s Arab sector—among hundreds of organizations backed by NIF—burst into a noisy campaign calling for NIF to change its ways. Some Israeli lawmakers wanted to impose legal controls on how NIF operates in Israel.

Critics, led by NGO Monitor, an organization set up to track nongovernmental groups it says undermine Israel, said that NIF, wittingly or not, was allowing itself to be sucked into a movement that seeks to delegitimize Israel as racist in the hopes of replacing it with a binational or Palestinian state.

Ultimately, the calls to censure NIF were rebuffed by top Israeli officials and the criticism of NIF abated. An array of public figures, including important leaders on the political right, defended the right of nongovernmental organizations to operate without excessive scrutiny.

In at least one case, the campaign against NIF backfired against the organization’s critics.

Im Tirtzu, a group that had distributed an illustration of NIF President Naomi Chazan as a horned creature, has lost the backing of Jewish and evangelical groups that had provided it with hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Sokatch, who became NIF director 11 months ago, still isn’t resting easy. He is an evangelist of the notion that NIF is honoring both adjectives—“Jewish” and “democratic”—that pro-Israel groups attach to virtually every mention of Israel.

During the interview with JTA, Sokatch repeatedly pointed to a copy of Israel’s Declaration of Independence gracing an otherwise bare wall, making the point that both elements appear in the founding document. It was the basis, he said, for item seven in the newly published guidelines, under a section beginning, “Organizations that engage in the following activities will not be eligible for NIF grants or support.”

The item bars funding for groups that work “to deny the right of the Jewish people to sovereign self-determination within Israel, or to deny the rights of Palestinian or other non-Jewish citizens to full equality within a democratic Israel.”

It was the first time that NIF cited Jewish self-determination as a factor in funding.

“Whenever anyone applies to the New Israel Fund for funding or when they apply for re-funding, that will be the lens through which we make that evaluation,” Sokatch said, referring to the entirety of the guidelines, including passages that promote equal rights.

The guidelines are not retroactive, which exempts Adalah and a number of Israeli-Arab groups that submitted contributions to the Arab-Israeli constitution project.

Going forward, Sokatch suggested that NIF would not be as sanguine as in the past about such activities. In the past, the NIF leadership has said it does not agree with all that its grantees say or do, but it would support their right to speak as they wish in a democratic society.

Sokatch said last week that now, “if we had an organization that made part of its project, part of its mission, an effort to really, genuinely organize on behalf of creating a constitution that denied Israel as a sovereign vehicle for self-determination for the Jewish people, a Jewish homeland, if that became the focus of one of our organizations’ work, we would not support that organization.”

After JTA published Sokatch’s remark last week, it raised a storm of controversy. Sokatch subsequently contacted JTA to clarify, saying that such a “mission” would have to be central to an organization’s activities in order to result in a suspension of funding, and that NIF would be the one to make the determination over whether or not that threshold had been reached.

Gerald Steinberg, who directs NGO Monitor, was among the NIF critics wondering how the new guidelines would be applied.

“The question is how is it going to be implemented—when and how—and how are the internal battles are going to be resolved,” said Steinberg.

NIF changes funding guidelines, but what does it mean? Read More »

Obituaries: Sept. 24-30, 2010

Rose Ascher died Aug. 17 at 89. Survived by sister Dorothy Rowe. Hillside

Paul Barnes died Aug. 17 at 77. Survived by wife Grace; daughter Tami (Jack) Finegold; son Brent; 4 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Nanette Berman died Aug. 19 at 74. Survived by husband Rubin; daughter Wendy (Tim) McElwain; sons Adam (Leah), Wayne (Tracy), Scott (Brenda) and Keith (Michelle); 13 grandchildren; 2 great-grandchildren; brothers Irwin, Neil and Robert Persky. Mount Sinai

Jacob Botwin died Aug. 17 at 90. Survived by son Stephen (Debbie); 4 grandchildren. Hillside

Carol Breslow died Aug. 25 at 75. Survived by daughter Marisha; sons Stuart (Sandra) and Bart; 2 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Helen Chapman died Aug. 10 at 82. Survived by husband Raymond; daughter Marlene; son Steve (Sue); 3 grandchildren; sister Marilyn Hamer. Hillside

Sarah Conn died Aug. 6 at 84. Survived by daughters Lianne (James) Bondurant and Stephanie (Daniel) Mac Neil; 4 grandchildren. Hillside

Anthony Corea died Aug. 17 at 89. Survived by wife Ruth; sister Anna Pierno. Hillside

Gertrude Cousens died Aug. 18 at 90. Survived by son Larry Michael (Nina); daughter Janice Damiano; daughter-in-law Karen; 5 grandchildren; 3 great-grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Joseph E. Crispi died Aug. 19 at 93. Survived by wife Yola; daughter Tilda (Barry) Mann; son David (Diana); 5 grandchildren; 1 great-grandchild. Mount Sinai

Harvey Crystal died Aug. 16 at 74. Survived by wife Irene; daughter Lisa; sons David (Millie) and Jonathan (Caroline); 5 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Marvin Deane died Aug. 17. Survived by wife Kathe; sons Andrew and Jeffrey; 2 grandchildren; brothers Martin (Geraldine) Sokolsky and Carl (Doris). Hillside

Eitan Djiji died Aug. 10 at 14. Survived by parents Pauline and Gigi; grandmothers Nancy Burrowes and Noga; sisters Cara and Maya; brother Nadav. Mount Sinai

Jerry Edelman died Aug. 27 at 81. Survived by wife Marcia; daughter Amy (George) Erasmus; sons Scott (Susan) and Jack (Laura); 7 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Leonore Elkin died Aug. 5 at 87. Survived by daughter Sheryl Howard; 2 grandchildren; 3 great-grandchildren; brothers Howard and Buddy Alper. Hillside

May Friedman died Aug. 14 at 81. Survived by husband Morris; sons Lee (Cande) and Mark (Judi); 4 grandchildren. Hillside

Bernice (Bronia) Greenbaum died Aug. 10 at 83. Survived by husband Roman; sons Jack and Ted; daughters-in-law Marijke and Agneta; 4 grandchildren; 3 great-grandchildren. Hillside

Fred A. Greenberg died July 22 at 63. Survived by wife Susan; stepson Michael. Home of Peace

William Greyson died Aug. 5 at 57. Survived by wife Susan; daughter Elizabeth Dobson. Hillside

Sylvia Gulak died Aug. 21 at 97. Survived by daughter Marlene (Dale) Peroutka; sons Geoff Peroutka and Hurbert (Susan); 3 grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Helen Hertzberg died Aug. 24 at 98. Survived by daughter June Harvey; 6 grandchildren; 2 great-grandchildren. Mount Sinai

Sonya Latshaw died Aug. 27 at 89. Survived by sons Gary (Susan) and Steven (Norma); 2 grandchildren; brother Eugene (Joan) Levinthal. Mount Sinai

Ruth Miller died Aug. 14 at 90. Survived by children Lynn Smith and Lee; 12 grandchildren; 6 great-grandchildren. Hillside

Pauline Plotkin died Aug. 18 at 82. Survived by husband David; daughter Nancy Nimoy;  sons Daniel (Gretchen) and Gary (Helene); 6 grandchildren. Hillside

Gloria Rosenbaum died July 3 at 86. Survived by daughters Leslie and Lori; son Louis; brother Melvin (Stephanie) Haber; sister Franky Rossmore; 2 grandchildren. Hillside

Claire Sears died Aug. 26 at 90. Survived by daughter Mardy Abrams; 3 grandchildren; 10 great-grandchildren; 3 great-great-grandchildren; sister Gladys (Morris) Prizant. Mount Sinai

Edward Segal died Aug. 18 at 77. Survived by wife Marilyn; daughter Elaine (Ruben) Jauregui; son David (Laura); 1 grandson. Mount Sinai

Ethel Shanedling died Aug. 10 at 89. Survived by daughter Joan Tamkin; 3 grandchildren; 4 great-grandchildren. Hillside

Peter Shulman died Aug. 24 at 58. Survived by partner Seth Sor; daughter Jacqueline; sisters Deborah (Rick Cullen), Nora (Felix) Tyndel and Roberta (Larry) Zalkind. Mount Sinai

Marilyn Shuman died Aug. 11 at 80. Survived by sons Richard (Pamela) and Paul (Alexis) Teplitz; 4 grandchildren; sister Beverly Bernstein. Hillside

Bernard Silver died Aug. 19 at 89. Survived by wife Susie; daughters Sherry, Meredith and Evelyn; son Gregg; 2 grandchildren. Hillside

Calvin Silver died Aug. 14 at 85. Survived by wife Muriel; sons Douglas (Robbi) and Judd (Margaret); 4 grandchildren; brothers Sheldon and Harry. Hillside

Eleanor Lucille Brown Switzky died Aug. 6 at 94. Survived by daughter Meryle; sons William and Carl; 5 grandchildren; 5 great-grandchildren. Hillside

Jerry Wagmeister died Aug. 15 at 60. Survived by mother Mollie; daughter Sandi Gordon; son Matthew; 4 grandchildren. Hillside

Milton H. Weinstein died Aug. 26 at 89. Survived by wife Helen; son Jeffrey (Yvonne); 3 grandchildren; sisters Harriet (Ted) Winston and Eleanor (Jack) Lieberman; brother Harold (Brenda). Mount Sinai

Lorraine Frances Cohen White died Aug. 10 at 91. Survived by son Stephen (Sheri Singer); 4 grandchildren; brother Joel Cohen. Hillside

The Jewish Journal publishes obituary notices free of charge.  Please send an e-mail in the above format with the name, age and survivors of the deceased to {encode=”obits@jewishjournal.com” title=”obits@jewishjournal.com”}.  If you have any questions, e-mail or call (213) 368-1661, ext. 116.

Obituaries: Sept. 24-30, 2010 Read More »

‘Top Model’ contestant sells out the Sabbath

My wife was watching “America’s Next Top Model” when I got home from doing man things last night, which meant I asked lots of annoying questions and feigned disinterest.

For the most part, it worked. One thing did catch my attention. I hardly would have imagined writing a blog post about it the next day. But the contestant with the 30G breasts can be seen in the above clip flashing Tyra Banks et al during tryouts.

The reason this is newsworthy, and that I embedded the clip, is that Esther Petrack is a Modern Orthodox Jew, born in Jerusalem, and it took her about two seconds to sell out the Sabbath.

Benyamin Cohen, my favorite Bizarro Brad, writes about Esther and the history of Orthodox Jews on reality television. They’ve been a lot more prevalent than I would have thought. Cohen writes at the Huffington Post:

Esther Petrack, the America’s Next Top Model contestant, at first chose to take pride in her Jewishness, telling Tyra she was from Jerusalem and taking the time to explain her beliefs. But once she realized that the rigors of the show would conflict with her Sabbath observance, Esther opted to switch gears and take pride in something else that made her unique: Her comedically enormous breasts.

This immediate about-face—a proud Modern Orthodox Jew one moment and sashaying in a bikini and heels on national TV the next—was a sad commentary. After all, the contestant is named after the biblical Queen Esther. That historical figure also competed in a beauty pageant, and even hid the fact that she was Jewish. But, when the chips were down and the time called for a hero, Queen Esther used the opportunity to reveal her faith and saved the Jewish people from imminent annihilation. It’s her self-sacrifice that we celebrate each year on the festival of Purim.

Look, nobody is saying that being a Modern Orthodox Jew is easy. I’d be the last person to argue that wearing a skullcap all the time, only eating kosher, and not using electricity on Saturdays is easy. It’s not.

But let’s also be realistic here: I’ve often wished that I could be a contestant on The Amazing Race, but the bug-eating competitions (not kosher) and the flying on Saturdays (also not kosher) would put me in last place. (Although plenty of non-observant Jews have appeared on that show.)

Esther knew beforehand that competing on the show would conflict with the strict Sabbath rules she had been keeping until that point. And she decided that competing on the show, and the potential of a high-end modeling career, were more important. To be honest, she likely made that decision before the cameras started rolling. But the producers edited it in such a way that she appeared to be, as many grandparents would say, “finishing Hitler’s work.”

Talk about dripping with guilt. Shame on you, Esther.

Read the rest here.

‘Top Model’ contestant sells out the Sabbath Read More »

Groups set boycott of Israeli troupe in N.Y.

Two New York-based human rights groups have organized a boycott of performances by Israel’s national dance company.

Adalah-NY: The New York Campaign for the Boycott of Israel and the New York chapter of Artists Against Apartheid announced the boycott in an open letter to the Batsheva Dance Company, which is scheduled to perform in New York from Sept. 21 to Oct. 3.

The letter said the groups were calling the boycott because of the company’s “collaboration with the Israeli state and its Brand Israel campaign.” Brand Israel is a government public relations initiative designed to reshape preconceived notions about Israel.

“Batsheva continues to affirm its relationship with the Brand Israel campaign, as evidenced by the funding you receive from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the co-sponsorship of your New York performances by the Office of Cultural Affairs, Consulate General of Israel in New York,” the letter contended.

The groups said that the boycott is part of the growing Boycott Divestment and Sanctions Movement.

“We hope that one day soon Batsheva will take a strong, unequivocal stance against Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and in support of justice and equality for all,” the letter said. “Until then, we will continue to urge a popular boycott of your performances in New York City and elsewhere.”

Meanwhile, renowned architect Frank Gehry and conductor Daniel Barenboim signed a letter in support of an Israeli artists’ boycott of performing in the West Bank. They join some 200 signatories, including actors Ed Asner, Cynthia Nixon, Mandy Patinkin and Theodore Bikel, and playwright Tony Kushner.

The statement was drafted earlier this month by Jewish Voices for Peace, which praised the “brave decision” by Israeli theater professionals not to perform in Ariel.

Groups set boycott of Israeli troupe in N.Y. Read More »

Jerry Seinfeld, Bette Midler to headline Philly museum’s opening bash

Two of the country’s most famous Jewish performers will highlight the opening of one of the most ambitious Jewish museum projects in years.

Jerry Seinfeld will emcee and Bette Midler will headline a Nov. 13 gala to celebrate the official unveiling of the renovated National Museum of American Jewish History in Philadelphia, a $150 million project to place the museum on the city’s Independence Mall and expand it from about 10,000 square feet to more than 100,000.

The museum, which will trace the history of American Jews from the 1654 arrival in New Amsterdam of 20 Jews from Brazil until today, will aim to attract some 250,000 visitors per year—10 times what it has traditionally attracted since it opened in the mid-1970s.

“The opening is a celebration of an institution that is focused most of all on connecting American Jews more closely with their heritage and inspiring in all Americans a greater diversity of the American experience and the contribution they have made to this country,” the museum’s president and CEO, Michael Rosenzweig, told JTA. “It was important for us to keep these purposes front of mind. And these two individuals”—Seinfeld and Midler—“are highly successful and both very proud of their Jewish heritage.”’

The museum, which received a lead $25 million gift from Jones Apparel owner Sidney Kimmel, has attracted some big names in Jewish philanthropy, including Steven Spielberg, the Tisch family, Raymond and Ruth Perelman, and Howard Millstein.

It also has attracted billionaires Eli and Edythe Broad and Michael and Susan Dell, two of the country’s most generous families who are not known for giving prodigiously to explicitly Jewish causes.

“We like to say that the story we tell is their story,” Rosenzweig said.

Quite literally, the museum will tell the story of its visitors—one feature in its main exhibit will allow visitors to videotape an interview about their own Jewish history. The video will be e-mailed to the participants and become a part of the museum’s archives.

The 25,000-square-foot main exhibit is entirely new and includes 30 films, all of which were created especially for the museum and a number of never exhibited artifacts.

The museum has been given a boost by the fact that it has become a Smithsonian Institute affiliate museum. Still, Rosenzweig feels that many of his donors became involved because the museum is the story of their own successes.

“For certain donors, what was very attractive was the story we tell. At its core it is a story of freedom, and of what one ethnic group—the Jews—can achieve when they are given the freedoms we enjoy under the Constitution of this country,” he said.

“Many took to heart that this was their story about what they have achieved by virtue of those freedoms. There are certain donors for whom philanthropy in the organized Jewish community has not been a priority, but they have found this a compelling project.”

The museum has raised about $141 million, which covers the $137 million cost of construction. By the opening Rosenzweig hopes to have pledges in hand covering another $9 million for the start of a $13 million endowment. That will have to grow to cover the museum’s $9 million annual operating budget.

Ticket prices for the gala have not yet been announced, but proceeds will go toward the museum’s operating budget. Having Midler and Seinfeld, who are being paid to perform, will likely give the event a boost, Rosenzweig said.

“They were at the very top of our list,” he said. “There were other individuals we were interested in, but they were both our first choices. We hit a home run in all respects.”

Jerry Seinfeld, Bette Midler to headline Philly museum’s opening bash Read More »

Senate letter urges Obama to keep talks going

A letter is circulating among U.S. senators urging President Obama to keep the Israelis and Palestinians at the negotiating table.

The letter, initiated by Sens. Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.), Johnny Isakson (R-Ga.), Bob Casey (D-Pa.) and Richard Burr (R-N.C.), thanks Obama for restarting direct peace talks and notes the threat to their success from what it calls “enemies of peace” Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran.

The letter praises Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for sticking with the talks after Hamas terrorists killed four Israelis in the West Bank as the talks were about to be launched on Aug. 31.

“We also agree with you that it is critical that all sides stay at the table,” the letter says. “Neither side should make threats to leave just as the sides are getting started.”

The letter is dated Sept. 24, meaning it is to be sent two days before Netanyahu’s temporary freeze on some settlement building is due to expire.

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has threatened to bolt the talks if the freeze is not extended. Netanyahu wants the Obama administration to press Abbas to stay.

Senate letter urges Obama to keep talks going Read More »

Barely months into talks, will the freeze freeze a peace deal?

When the fat lady sings on Sept. 26, it may only be an intermission.

That’s the word from an array of Mideast experts across the political spectrum. They are predicting that the seeming intractability between Israel and the Palestinians over whether Israel extends a settlement moratorium beyond its end date will not scuttle the peace talks.

Instead, the observers say, the sides are likely employing the brinksmanship that has come to characterize Middle East peacemaking.

“Is this is a last-minute minuet before a compromise on both sides?” asked Steve Rosen, the former director of foreign policy at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. “I don’t see the kind of anxiety you would associate with a collapse. They seem to be acting with something up their sleeve.”

Hussein Ibish, a senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine, also saw compromise in the offing.

“Neither party can afford to be seen as scuttling the talks,” he said.

Israelis and Palestinians both are speaking—off the record, at least—in terms of an imminent threat of rupture, just weeks after direct negotiations restarted. Such talk begs the question of why the Obama administration relaunched the talks with much fanfare if the sides were not ready to go.

“It’s almost inconceivable that the administration would have gone down this road with all the hype without push and pull for both sides” on the settlement issue, said Aaron David Miller, a longtime negotiator in Democratic and Republican administrations, and now a fellow at The Woodrow Wilson Center.

Miller noted the praise lavished by Obama on the negotiators and the inclusion of the Egyptian and Jordanian leaders in the launch of the talks.

If the deadline scuttles the talks, he said, “it will go down as being one of the more boneheaded plays in the history of negotiations.”

Miller said he believes that the sides were bluffing when they hinted—or outright said—no compromise was possible.

Each side has sent out mixed signals. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said last week that there was “no choice” but to go ahead with talks, before meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton. At the same time, his aides were leaking to the media that continuing the talks depended on an extension of the moratorium on Israeli construction in the settlements.

Israeli officials have suggested that they are preparing some kind of extension by telling American Jewish groups that they will need their backing when the Israeli settlement movement reacts adversely to a building freeze beyond Sept. 26.

On the other hand, in a conference call Monday with the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not mention the possibility of a compromise. And his top aide, Ron Dermer, made it sound as if Israeli officials were bracing for a period of tensions over the settlement issue.

“We might have to agree to disagree for the next few months,” Dermer said on the issue of settlements. The carrot for the Palestinians, he said, was a final-status agreement that would put both sides past the settlement issue.

The question is how to get past the looming Sept. 26 date—or at least Sept. 30, when Israel’s Sukkot holidays end and the construction industry returns to work.

Ibish predicted that Abbas and his negotiators could live with Israel moving ahead with the building starts that have been put on hold for 10 months, when Netanyahu imposed the moratorium—as many as 2,000, according to an Americans for Peace Now analysis—but only if the Netanyahu government did not launch major new projects.

“Whatever the Israelis say, no one is going to believe it because of the grandfathering built in” to the moratorium, Ibish said. “What’s important that the Israelis don’t do anything further to radically alter the landscape.”

That would include holding back on major starts outside the “consensus areas,” settlement blocks adjacent to Israel that are likely to be incorporated in a final deal in exchange for land swaps. According to this view, it would also mean no building in a corridor between Jerusalem and the West Bank settlement of Maaleh Adumim that would choke off the main north-south route; no land appropriations; and no building in eastern Jerusalem Arab neighborhoods.

Rosen, who now directs the Middle East Forum’s Washington project, said an out may be Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak, the Labor Party leader who is now in Washington and New York to meet with U.S. and United Nations officials.

As defense minister, Barak has veto over new initiatives: He could nix them while the Palestinians look the other way regarding settlement projects already in the pipeline. At the same time, Barak’s reputation as a go-it-alone dove could give Netanyahu cover with settlers. The prime minister could tell hawks that Barak is slightly out of control.

Meantime, each side is trying to extract as much as it can or concede as little as possible before talks continue, said Scott Lasensky, an analyst with the congressionally funded U.S. Institute of Peace who tracks the region.

“Brinksmanship is a hallmark of Arab-Israeli negotiation. There’s no doubt the question will go to the last minute with uncertainty,” he said. “There’s been some good will, there’s been a warming of ties, everyone has an interest in making sure that this is renewed.”

Brinksmanship, on the other hand, often develops a momentum of its own, and there’s a chance it could scuttle the talks by the deadline, said David Makovsky, a senior analyst with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a pro-Israel think tank.

The risk now, Makovsky said, was that with the talks still in their early stages, the sides were more beholden to hard-line constituencies than they were to a breakthrough.

“They don’t know if a deal is reachable, so why alienate your constituencies if a deal isn’t reachable yet,” he said.

Stephen P. Cohen, another longtime Middle East watcher and backer of an Israeli-Palestinian deal who has consulted with members of the Obama foreign policy team, said the administration’s leverage was the imminence of a permanent-status deal.

“I think Bibi [Netanyahu] wants to make a substantive agreement that would convince Abu Mazen [Abbas] that it’s worth staying even though he hasn’t renewed the settlement freeze because the substantive agreement allows Abu Mazen to stay,” said Cohen, the president of the Institute for Middle East Peace and Development.

Barely months into talks, will the freeze freeze a peace deal? Read More »

Op-Ed: Netanyahu’s choice

The State of Israel and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are fast approaching a fork in the road.

Down one path lies a future of settlement expansion, continued control over the entire West Bank and a population under Israeli rule in which non-Jews outnumber Jews.

Some Israelis to the prime minister’s right see no problem on this path. They are consciously supporting a “one-state solution” in which Israel keeps all the land without addressing how non-Jews maintain the rights necessary to maintain Israel’s democratic character. Others, like Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, believe this is Israel’s path by default, since there is no way to achieve peace in this generation.

The cost to Israel of going down this path, however, is further international isolation and a place as a pariah among the nations. Down this path lies never-ending conflict and little promise of long-term security, or even survival, for the nation-state of the Jewish people.

The other choice is compromise, some of it painful to many Israelis. On this path, Israel establishes an eastern border based on the pre-1967 borders (with equal land swaps) and builds only within that border, relinquishing dreams of Greater Israel. It removes far-flung settlements and relocates their Jewish residents within the country’s borders. It acknowledges Arab East Jerusalem as the capital of a new Palestinian state and agrees to compensate Palestinian refugees. 

In return, Israel will get solid international commitment to its security and legitimacy, recognition of its borders and acceptance in the region by its neighbors.

Stark choices also face those in the United States who care deeply about Israel’s future and about peace and stability in the Middle East.

On the left, some criticized the new direct Israeli-Palestinian peace talks as fruitless before they even began and are now preparing to badmouth any compromises made to keep alive the chances of negotiated resolution to the conflict.

Their aversion to Netanyahu makes it hard for them to accept that he may be the one best positioned to lead them to the promised land of peace. Their answers—increasing international pressure on Israel, holding out for other leadership or banking on a solution imposed by a U.S. president or the United Nations—are far more likely dead ends than paths to conflict resolution.

On the right, some already are laying the groundwork for blaming the eventual collapse of the talks on the Palestinians. They highlight a “settlement freeze” during which thousands of units of new housing were built over the pre-1967 Green Line and then ask why Palestinians won’t acknowledge Israel as a “Jewish state” at the start of talks they say should have “no preconditions.” Theirs, too, is a dead-end path filled with zero-sum politics and blame games.

So here we all are at the fork in the road, in search of the path that brings stability to the Middle East, peace to all its people and long-term security for Israel as the democratic, national home of the Jewish people.

For the prime minister, the first step on the road should be to suspend settlement construction just a bit longer—not even a full freeze, simply the compromise that he himself shaped last fall—so that negotiations can continue.  Down the road it will mean far tougher concessions and sacrifices—on both sides. But defining a border ends the debate over settlements forever, and whatever building is delayed in the short term can be quickly and legitimately undertaken in communities that through negotiation are recognized as within the State of Israel.

For the American Jewish community, it is time to move past recriminations and finger pointing, to stop worshiping the ideal and to accept the possible. It is time to pledge support to any Israeli prime minister who chooses to make the tough decisions needed to end the conflict though a negotiated two-state solution.

Israel’s ambassador to the United States, Michael Oren, said last week that he anticipates opposition from some parts of the American Jewish community as Israel makes further moves for peace, and he appealed for support from American Jews as Israel prepares to take risks for peace.

It’s not the first time an Israeli official has lamented the lack of vocal support for efforts to reach peace from Jewish Americans. Support from Jewish Americans is never short when Israel is at war, under attack or simply under pressure. But when it makes moves for peace, support can be much harder to come by.

The fork in the road is clear for the prime minister and for American Jews. The time for decision is now.

Jeremy Ben-Ami is the president and founder of J Street.

Op-Ed: Netanyahu’s choice Read More »

Christians arriving in Israel for Tabernacles event

About 7,000 Christian tourists are arriving in Israel for the Feast of Tabernacles celebration.

The visitors, including the heads of Evangelical Christian communities, will participate in a program of seminars and teaching beginning Sept. 23. The program is sponsored by the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem with assistance from the Israeli Ministry of Tourism.

The pilgrims for the feast, a Christian commemoration of Sukkot, will stay more than a week in Israel and are expected to spend between $15 million and $20 million, the Tourism Ministry said.

Participants are coming from tens of countries including Brazil, Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Chile, Austria, India, Italy, Nigeria, Finland and Norway. In addition to visiting holy sites around the country, they will join in the traditional Jerusalem March on Sept. 28.

Christians arriving in Israel for Tabernacles event Read More »

Op/Ed: Ill-advised settlement freeze weakened Israel strategically

On Sunday, Sept. 26, we will celebrate the end of the ill-advised building moratorium in the Israeli communities in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank).

Ten months ago, Israel unilaterally declared this unprecedented step as a supposed incentive to encourage the Palestinians to return to the negotiating table. We now find ourselves in an extremely weakened strategic position as we begin peace talks under threats from all sides that all will be lost unless we extend and increase this freeze on people’s lives.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told me repeatedly in private, as he has told the Israeli people, that all citizens of Israel will be allowed to build again beginning next week. This is the right policy for Israel, and the Likud Party together with a majority of Israeli citizens will provide full backing to the prime minister on this important decision.

There are numerous reasons why the building moratorium policy was the wrong decision at the wrong time for Israel.

Leaving aside the extreme unjust implications on the lives of our citizens, the long-term strategic damage of the freeze is something that must be rectified immediately. Israel has never before declared a building freeze—even when negotiations with the Palestinians were at their most intense under the left-wing governments of Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres and Ehud Barak.

There was sound strategic thinking behind this policy: Why should we declare at the outset that our historic and legal claims to these lands are less legitimate than those of the Palestinians? Why should we put our peoples’ lives on hold while our Palestinian neighbors continued to build unabated, putting facts on the ground in this disputed territory as they expand their existing cities—even building a brand-new metropolis with full financial and logistic support from the Americans and the Europeans?

We now enter these negotiations with an extremely dangerous fait accompli: that it is illegitimate to build anywhere in Judea and Samaria, and doing so somehow is more dangerous to the prospects for peace than the thousands of rockets aimed at Israeli population centers by the Hamas regime in Gaza. This is not the ideology of the Likud Party and its coalition partners, who triumphed in the 2009 elections. Rather it’s the viewpoint of extreme left-wing groups that have been discredited at the ballot box.

From a pure humanitarian standpoint, the freeze has been highly unfair to the Israeli residents of Judea and Samaria. It is important to remember that these Israeli citizens have broken no laws. On the contrary, a vast majority of them were encouraged by successive Israeli governments and all the leading political parties—Labor, Likud and Kadima—to settle in these historic areas. These “settlers” are the cream of the crop of the Israeli population, serving in our most elite army units and active in all parts of Israeli cultural, business and social life.

Last November, the Israeli government decided out of the blue to essentially freeze their lives. Since then, young couples have been unable to build new homes for which they already had begun paying mortgages. Families have been prohibited from expanding their houses for their growing families. Our government basically has designated the residents of Judea and Samaria as second-class citizens, enacting draconian rules that don’t apply to anyone else in our country.

Some Netanyahu supporters have claimed that the objective of the freeze was to call Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ bluff and unmask his real intentions about his unwillingness to reach a negotiated settlement to this century-old conflict. This, too, is a dangerous strategy that has been tried before. Barak publicly made that argument with reference to Yasser Arafat following the failed Camp David talks in the summer of 2000.

We all know the results of that experiment: almost a decade of Palestinian-instigated bloodshed that claimed the lives of more than a thousand innocent Israeli citizens. We cannot risk repeating this mistake.

It is clear now that our government policy regarding a building moratorium in Judea and Samaria was mistaken from both a moral and strategic standpoint.

The good news is that this mistake can be rectified. If the prime minister and his Cabinet stay true to their word and end the freeze, then we will make clear to our own citizens, the Palestinians and the world our true intentions and goals. We all want peace and an end this conflict, but we are not ready to enact ill-advised, unjust and dangerous policies that only serve extreme elements on all sides while moving us further away from the peaceful and prosperous existence for which we so desperately strive.

Danny Danon is the deputy speaker of Israel’s Knesset and chairman of World Likud.

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