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October 15, 2009

Wexler leaves Congress, and leaves Washington wondering why [VIDEO]

Watch Stephen Colbert’s interview with Robert Wexler below

The “fire-breathing liberal” has sucked the air out of the room.

A soft-spoken retirement announcement by the usually outspoken U.S. Rep. Robert Wexler (D-Fla.) has left Democrats, Republicans, Jews and non-Jews expressing reactions that ranged from baffled to… baffled.

“We were stunned,” said one source close to the congressional leadership. Figures in the pro-Israel community expressed similar sentiments.

What makes the move even more perplexing is that Wexler, who dubbed himself the “fire-breathing liberal” in his manifesto published last year, is ending a very public political career that has had a virtually unimpeded upward swing to become a think-tank diplomat—the kind of figure who does his best work behind the scenes without taking credit.

Wexler, 48, will lead the Center for Middle East Peace and Economic Cooperation, a group co-founded by S. Daniel Abraham, the Slim-Fast diet food magnate whom Wexler named in his book as a “close friend” and the funder of Wexler’s Middle East travel in the past

The group has existed since 1993 and was prominent during the heyday of the Oslo peace process launched that year, but it has been moribund since the death in 2002 of its co-founder, former Utah congressman Wayne Owens.

“Taking over as president of the Center for Middle East Peace offers me an unparalleled opportunity to work on behalf of Middle East peace for an important and influential non-profit institute,” Wexler said in a statement. “After much discussion with my family, I have decided that I cannot pass up on this opportunity.”

The problem with his explanation is that the congressman, who was unavailable for an interview, already is in a position to exert considerable influence on Middle East policy.

As chairman of the Europe subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee, Wexler lobbied European nations to join in isolating Iran isolation and helped sustain Israel’s role as a NATO satellite country. He was effective, too, in bringing Turkey into the process as a Mideast broker.

Wexler was the first major Jewish political figure to join the Obama campaign, in 2007, just after the then-senator had declared his candidacy. Obama’s political mastermind, David Axelrod—now a senior White House adviser—advised his candidate to woo Wexler as the iconoclast likeliest to break Hillary Rodham Clinton’s then-stranglehold on Jewish support.

With a stand-up comic’s hands-in-the-pocket, cards-on-the-table demeanor, Wexler ventured during the campaign into redoubts of Jewish support for Clinton such as Ohio. Thrown into a grind of twice-daily appearances, Wexler would loosen up the audience with jokes about how refreshing it was to address voters about a half-century younger than the average age in his Florida constituency before launching into a vigorous defense of Obama’s emphasis on diplomacy to rebuild America’s reputation abroad.

“When that new day of trans-Atlantic relations emerges, Israel too will be a great beneficiary,” he told a crowd in Cleveland.

Some voters who were skeptical about Obama before Wexler’s presentation said afterward that he won them over.

Much was made in the weeks before last year’s election of the supposed reluctance of Florida’s elderly Jews to back a black candidate whose middle name was Hussein. Obama won Florida handily, and the problems likely were overstated, but Wexler earned credit for tirelessly working the state’s retirement homes, where he is beloved.

Wexler has commanded respect from Jewish liberals and centrists by combining support for robust U.S. diplomacy in pursuit of a two-state solution with a strong defense of Israel’s response to Hamas rocket attacks, steering clear of criticizing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s policies and arguing that Obama needs to do a better job of selling his policies directly to the Israeli public.

So why would Wexler give up such precious political capital?

In the absence of a more detailed explanation, journalists and policymakers who thought they knew Wexler could only speculate: He was positioning himself for an Obama administration peace-brokering role. After 14 years he had tired of the congressional grind. The most common reason proffered was that he needs the money (the lawmaker has three children who attend a pricey Jewish day school).

Wexler, reached by The Associated Press, said nothing exciting was up.

“I am not under any investigation. My marriage is intact. My health is good and, thank God, the health of my family is good,” he said. “I am leaving to become the president of the Center for Middle East Peace. It may not be as sexy as some other things, but this is what I’m doing.”

The only episode approaching a scandal in recent years reinforces the notion that Wexler is eager for a change: An opponent discovered in 2008 that the Delray Beach residence Wexler listed as his was in fact his in-laws.

This, it turns out, was not illegal, but in the course of the reporting it became clear that Wexler prefers his Washington-area community in suburban Potomac, Md., where he and his family attend Beth Sholom, an Orthodox synagogue.

Wexler is perhaps one of the most unabashed Jews in Congress; he does not hide his affiliations. His wife, Laurie, has worked for the American Jewish Committee. Stumping in the tiniest of far-flung towns during Obama’s campaign, he had an unerring scent for whatever local deli was selling Jewish—or at least Jewish-style—fare.

In his book, he gleefully joined his liberalism and his advocacy for Israel into pugnaciousness.

Wexler describes in his book a contentious Abraham-funded visit to Saudi Arabia and other Arab nations three weeks after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks and his growing impatience with Arab leaders who tried to persuade him that the U.S.-Israel alliance was to blame for terrorism.

“At times it has been difficult to hold my temper,” he wrote. “In Kuwait, for example, I almost got into a fistfight with the chairman of their International Relations Committee. And he isn’t even a Republican.”

Wexler was the only congressman who called for an investigation into the FBI probe that led to the government’s failed case against two former staffers of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman. He maintained his support for the two even after AIPAC had cut them loose.

Wexler has earned something of an attack dog reputation, dating back to the late 1990s and his first congressional term, when he accused his colleagues of being the real “perverts” in the impeachment proceedings for salaciously combing through the details of President Clinton’s affair with Monica Lewinsky. He fought back hard against the Florida tallies in the 2000 Gore-Bush recount; his Broward and Palm Beach counties constituents were among the disenfranchised.

In last year’s election, Wexler earned Republican scorn when his accusation that Sarah Palin had been associated in the past with World War II revisionist Pat Buchanan turned out to be baseless. He maintains a close friendship, however, with Florida’s Republican governor, Charlie Crist.

Wexler, a Florida state legislator before his 1996 election to Congress, also has been a champion of Holocaust survivors and their claims against European institutions.

The congressman has been unswervingly loyal to Turkey; his was the only Jewish vote in 2007 on the Foreign Relations Committee against recognizing the World War I Ottoman Empire massacre of Armenians as “genocide.”

Such uncompromising postures suggest a reason for Wexler’s comity with Abraham, who also has a confrontational reputation: In 1998, Abraham recalled in his book, “Peace is Possible,” that he almost destroyed his center’s credibility in important pro-Israel circles by telling President Clinton at a White House dinner that it was clear that he, Arab leaders and even Yasser Arafat wanted to make peace, but wondered: “Do we know if Bibi (Netanyahu) wants to make peace?”

That earned a sharp rebuke from Ezer Weizman, the late Israeli president, who was present at the dinner.

Netanyahu is back in office, and Wexler has good relations with the prime minister’s team. Hiring Wexler could garner good graces with Israel’s current government for Abraham’s organization.

The three candidates lining up to replace Wexler are all Jewish: state Sens. Ted Deutch and Jeremy Ring, and Broward County Mayor Stacy Ritter. Deutch, whose district most overlaps with Wexler’s, is said to have the best chance. Last year he helped shepherd through one of the first Iran divestment laws in a U.S. state.

Jewish Democrats said Wexler is here to stay as a presence.

“He has a deep and lasting commitment to the State of Israel and assuring a lasting and secure peace for Israel,” said David Harris, the president of the National Jewish Democratic Council. “This move is a testament to how deep his convictions run.”

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U.S. appetite for Israeli food grows

When the staff at Hummus Place hauled the oven into the kitchen of the Israeli-owned chain’s flagship branch and switched it on, no one was quite sure it would work.

After all, the baking equipment had been collecting dust in a storage room for five years.

A few minutes later, the first of hundreds of piping-hot pitas began emerging from the oven, soft and moist on the inside and firm on the outside—just like they make them back in Israel.

“It felt like the right moment,” Yigal Ashkenazi, a senior manager at the chain, said of Hummus Place’s decision to start baking its own bread. “Business is booming. During peak hours there are lines outside all our branches.”

Hummus Place, which began life as a small restaurant in East Greenwich Village in 2004, opened at its fifth location in New York two months ago.

Many other Israeli-owned food businesses in the United States are reporting similar successes offering the kind of fare found in the Old Country.

Falafel Maoz, a fast food franchise started by an Israeli couple in Amsterdam nearly 30 years ago, opened its first U.S. store in Philadelphia in 2004 and is now in the midst of a nationwide expansion. The company says it plans to have at least 15 stores across the country by next year.

The apparent growing enthusiasm in the United States for Israeli food is by no means limited to hummus and falafel.

In Philadelphia, chef Michael Solomonov offers a gourmet take on the tastes of his native Israel at Zahav restaurant.

“There are so many different cultural and gastronomic ideas that make up Israeli cuisine,” Solomonov told JTA. “Our kebabs are Romanian or Bulgarian, the merguez sausage is Moroccan, we have chraime fish stew from North Africa and kubbeh dumpling soup from Iraq.“

Since opening last year, Zahav has received glowing reviews in the local press. Solomonov says he might open a second branch in another city.

It’s not just restaurants. Israeli-style and Israeli-manufactured foods are increasingly visible at U.S. supermarkets, especially in areas with large Jewish communities.

“There’s no question that Israeli foods have become more popular, largely because improvement in the packaging and more effective marketing,” said Menachem Lubinsky, who runs the annual kosher food trade Kosherfest, which will take place the last week of October. “Sales of salads in the kosher market have tripled over the past few years.”

Israeli companies export $115 million worth of food to the United States annually, up from $30 million a decade ago, according to Lubinsky.

Janna Gur, editor of the Israeli food magazine Al Hashulchan and author of “The Book of New Israeli Food,” says American palates have been won over by the nutritious value of Israeli food.

“With the widespread problem of obesity in the U.S., many Americans are looking to eat more healthily,” Gur said. “Israeli food has more vegetables and less meat. We are the only people in the world that eats salad for breakfast.”

Israeli cuisine is a relative newcomer to the culinary world, a loose mix of different foods Jewish immigrants brought with them from the Diaspora combined with local fare Middle Easterners had been eating for centuries.

Some Israeli-owned operations hoping to tap the mainstream U.S. food market choose not to highlight their Israeli credentials.

Sabra, a food manufacturer that makes packed hummus and salads and is jointly owned by the Israeli Strauss-Elite company and PepsiCo, recently launched a national ad campaign based on its “Mediterranean” appeal.

Other food companies owned by Israelis also have expressed ambivalence over how much they ought to identify with their homeland.

“We are a company which was set up by Israelis, but our emphasis is on vegetarian food,” said Yair Marinov, a senior executive at Falafel Maoz and an Israel native. “We’re kosher, but we have no direct connection to Israel or Israeli food.”

“We’re competing with McDonald’s and Burger King,” he said. “We plan opening more locations in New York, Boston, Chicago, L.A., and I think we’ll do especially well in the [San Francisco] Bay Area, where there’s a lot of health food consciousness.”

Ori Apple, the founder and owner of Hummus Place, says there’s a balance when it comes to how strongly to identify Israeli roots. He says he’s happy to acknowledge his product’s ties to Israel but sees no need for overt patriotic displays.

Though the restaurants’ staff and management is predominantly Israeli, none of the Hummus Place branches play Israeli music, display flags or feature any other obvious Israeli symbols.

“Most of our customers aren’t Israeli and have no idea what the origin is of the food we have here,” he said. “At the end of the day we’re selling hummus, not Israel.”

Sometimes it takes time for U.S. consumers to adjust to Israeli food—and pronunciation.

“When I was at the opening of our branch in Boca Raton, Fla., people couldn’t even pronounce our name—falafal, falawel,” Marinov recalls.

Some in the Arab world have taken umbrage by Israel’s adoption of Middle Eastern specialties, particularly hummus, which has become something of a national dish in the Jewish state. In 2008, a Lebanese businessman went so far as to ask the European Union to grant exclusive naming rights for the term “hummus” to chickpea puree made in Lebanon.

In the United States, Arab customers are among Hummus Place’s regulars.

“We had an Egyptian customer who would routinely ask for a plate of ful and hummus,” Apple said. Ful is the Arabic and Hebrew word for fava beans. “He said the ful was just like his mother’s.”

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A hero apart

Marek Edelman died on October 2, 2009. His death became a major news in Poland. TV programs reported it at length. A leading daily paper devoted to the obituary almost the whole first page, the whole second page, and more! His funeral, on October 9, began at the Warsaw Ghetto monument and continued at the Warsaw Jewish cemetery. During the ceremony Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first non-communist prime minister of post-World War II Poland, called Edelman the guardian of memory and the guardian of moral principles. Former president Lech Walesa and the current president Lech Kaczynski were present, but were not asked to speak. Why did Edelman’s funeral attract thousands? Why were they, many of them non-Jewish, happy to listen to singing in Yiddish – S’brnt, a lament on the shtetl in flames, and Di Shvue, the anthem of Bund? Why was Edelman honored with military salute? This funeral reveals as much about Edelman himself as it does about contemporary Poland.

Marek Edelman, born in 1919, was a heroic leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising in 1943. He survived, remained in Poland, and became a noted cardiologist. Member of the left wing Jewish party Bund, advocating Jewish cultural autonomy in the Diaspora, he was always anti-Communist, and in 1970s became an active member of KOR (Workers’ Defense Committee), the main group in the democratic movement opposing the Communist regime. Later Doctor Edelman was a leading activist in the initial and then underground Solidarity. After 1989, in free Poland, he was a mentor, a moral authority, widely respected, quoted, close to many of the most influential politicians, but never a politician himself.

Even though he wrote his account of the Ghetto Uprising right after World War II, Edelman remained unknown until Hanna Krall published a book-length interview with him 30 years later. His honesty and rejection of the heroic version of history was stunning. He described the bunker in which the commanders of the uprising were hiding as the shelter to which they were admitted by its original builders, ghetto prostitutes. He told the readers that to fight with grenades in the hand was easier than to choose to go to the transport to Treblinka death camp with one’s elderly parents, a truly heroic act. These and many other lessons about life and death have influenced many of us in Poland. He never abandoned the campaign against death. His passion was to cure patients, especially those most seriously ill, and to assist them till the end.

The ghetto, the war, the fight were in this book, as they were in many later interviews, the vehicles to teach us about the highest values, like freedom and dignity, about faithfulness and the drama of the situations when each option is tragic, about bravery and its insignificance vis-à-vis the supreme power of chance. But no wonder that his antiheroic account was not accepted by other combatants, including his closest friends. They mostly found their way to Israel, and Edelman remained a Bundist for whom Zionism was not an option. Indeed, to him it was a mistake: I remember that he once told us that the State of Israel was not really Jewish. “It’s an Arab state with the Jewish religion,” he said. When in 1980 he met with us, a group of young Jews in the middle of their journey of discovery of roots and Jewish traditions, he looked at us and said, “You think you’re Jews? No, Jews had been murdered.” To him, Jews were the Yiddish speaking working class masses he identified with. They were, indeed, no more.  Thus, while Edelman’s Jewishness was integral, obvious, public, indeed historic, his relations with the living Jewish community, be it in Poland, in Israel or elsewhere, were strained.

However unfair his opinions were, I knew he had the right to his views. He was always completely honest, never playing games. He remained a Bundist, as fervently anti-religious as he was anti-Zionist and also anti-Communist. Though contemptuous of every religion, he was an embodiment of the highest principles, which, in my understanding, and against his own opinion, refers beyond nature, to Transcendence. We did not agree with him on various Jewish issues, but he always remained a most important point of reference. Edelman was a towering figure and many people, Polish Jews and non-Jews, were happy that he chose to stay in Poland and be active in Poland, even though his wife and children left in the wake of 1968 anti-Semitic campaign. In Paris, his wife, Alina Margolis-Edelman, was one of the founders of Physicians Without Borders, the Nobel Prize winning organization devoted to bringing medical help to the weakest and most helpless in the world.

Edelman’s Jewish activities were connected to World War II period. Each year he was organizing his private commemorations, always on April 19, at noon, in front of the Ghetto monument, the well known memorial erected in Warsaw in 1948. Before 1989, he was sometimes joined by dissidents and underground Solidarity. The most notable moments were 1983 and 1988. In 1983, he publicly protested against the official commemorations organized by the Communist government with a large numbers of Jewish guests invited from other countries. Why? The government that had introduced martial law in December 1981 tried to get recognition in the West, but Edelman did not accept their use of the memory of the Jewish struggle for political goals. An independent commemoration was organized, but Edelman was kept under house arrest, so it was the only year he did not show up at the Ghetto monument. In 1988, he was leading a huge independent commemoration. All the opposition took part, the government could not do anything to prevent it, and it was clear that the days of the regime were counted. The memory of the ghetto, we noticed, was used, after all, for political purposes. But these were noble purposes. Marek Edelman would not have supported anything morally questionable.

Stanislaw Krajewski is the American Jewish Committee (AJC) representative in Warsaw, Poland.

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