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January 28, 2009

The Muslim cold war and the prospects of peace

I’m not sure how related the book pictured here is, but the Jerusalem Post has an interesting article breaking down the “Muslim cold war” gripping the Middle East and what it means for President Obama’s pursuit of peace. An excerpt:

Relations among the Muslim states of the Middle East have never been worse, not since the days when Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser sent his agents to assassinate political figures in Jordan and conduct a war in Yemen against the Saudi-backed royalists.

A razor-sharp cold war separates the moderate Arab Sunni states, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and most of the Gulf states, from an Iranian-led axis that includes Syria, Hizbullah, Hamas and, less importantly, Qatar.

The issues over which these two camps struggle are as clear as the divide between them. Meeting the Iranian threat is the most important of them. For the Gulf states, Iran’s success might threaten their survival. For Egypt, Iranian ascendancy would end its perennial claim to regional preeminence.

Moreover, Iranian nuclear capabilities would saddle the Egyptian state with the colossal costs of embarking on a nuclear weapons program at a time it desperately needs to continue allocating resources for social development. This ordering of priorities was the main reason Egypt opted out of its confrontation with Israel and signed a peace treaty with the Jewish state 30 years ago.

IRAN’S SUPPORT for Hamas in Gaza ranks probably second on the list of concerns for the moderate Arab Sunni states. Hamastan is anathema to this camp, for it sets a number of bad precedents. Gaza is the first area in the Arab world to be ruled by an organization that rose from the ground up, a fundamentalist movement that can claim a certain democratic legitimacy. Hamas is creating a revolutionary theocracy in the area under its control. It is the “deepest” Iranian bridgehead in the Arab world.

Moderate Arab states also oppose another Iranian bridgehead in Lebanon. Just as among the Palestinians these states clearly support Mahmoud Abbas, so they just as clearly support the Siniora government – a coalition of Christians and Sunnis under Saad Hariri (whose father was probably assassinated by the opposing axis) – against Hizbullah and its Iranian and Syrian allies. Thus, in both the Palestinian and Lebanese arenas, deadly local enmity is fed by the larger Muslim states’ cold war.

Less well-known but palpable nevertheless is the contest between the two camps over Iraq’s future. The moderate Sunni states are worried about a Shi’ite-led Iraq that would play a major role in cementing the Iranian-led Shi’ite-heterodox arc from the Iranian border to a Hizbullah-controlled Lebanon. Saudi Arabian support for Sunni parties in Iraq is well known, but Saudi Arabia probably supports armed Iraqi Sunni groups as well.

Obama will be most surprised to discover that objection to any substantial movement on a Palestinian state will come less from Israel, and more from Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan – which fear that under the present circumstances Hamas would probably take over Judea and Samaria via an expanded Palestinian state. As far as they are concerned, Israel did not batter Hamas sufficiently to allay their suspicions. These states prefer “process” over meaningful movement regarding the Palestinian problem.

The Muslim cold war and the prospects of peace Read More »

Tough economic times brings mini-Madoffs to light

The list of mini-Madoffs is growing. Here’s a bit of a run-down from The New York Times:

Some of these schemes have been operating for years, and others are of more recent vintage. But what is causing them to surface now appears to be a combination of a deteriorating economy and heightened skepticism about outsize returns after the revelations about Mr. Madoff. That can scare off new clients and cause longtime investors to demand their money back, which brings the charade tumbling down.

“There is no way for a Ponzi to survive given the large number of redemptions and a lack of new investors,” said Stephen J. Obie, the head of enforcement at the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. The agency has experienced a doubling of reported leads to possible Ponzi schemes in the last year, and its enforcement caseload has risen this year.

On Monday, at a suburban New York train station, Nicholas Cosmo surrendered to federal authorities in connection with a suspected $380 million Ponzi scheme, in which investors paid a minimum of $20,000 for high-yield “private bridge” loans that he had arranged.

Mr. Cosmo promised returns of 48 percent to 80 percent a year, and none of his investors apparently minded — or knew — that Mr. Cosmo had already been imprisoned for securities fraud. In the end, 1,500 people gave him their money, often through brokers who worked on his behalf.

And in Florida, not far from the Palm Beach clubs where Mr. Madoff wooed some of his investors, George L. Theodule, a Haitian immigrant and professed “man of God,” promised churchgoers in a Haitian-American community that he could double their money within 90 days.

He accepted only cash, and despite the too-good-to-be-true sales pitch, he found plenty of investors willing to turn over tens of thousands of dollars.

“The offices were beautiful, and I was told it was a limited liability corporation,” said Reggie Roseme, a deliveryman in Wellington, Fla., who lost his entire savings of $35,000 and now faces foreclosure on his home.

According to federal regulators who have accused him of operating a Ponzi scheme, Mr. Theodule bilked thousands of investors of modest means, like Mr. Roseme, out of $23 million in all, and put $4 million in his own pocket. This money helped pay for two luxury vehicles for Mr. Theodule, a wedding, a lavish house in Georgia and a recent trip to Zurich that federal authorities are now investigating. The fate of the other $19 million is still unknown.

Investors in Idaho say they lost $100 million in a scheme that promised 25 percent to 40 percent annual returns. In Philadelphia, a failed computer salesman tried his hand at trading nonexistent futures contracts for 80 investors and surrendered to federal authorities this month after losing $50 million.

A Ponzi scheme in Atlanta that promised investor returns of 20 percent every month through something called “30-day currency trading contracts” was shut down this month after losing $25 million. And Tuesday, Arthur Nadel, a prominent money manager in Sarasota, Fla., and philanthropist turned himself in to the authorities. He had disappeared this month, just days before the Securities and Exchange Commission charged him in a $300 million investment fraud that may be a Ponzi scheme.

 

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Hardening Hearts, Protecting Our Freedoms

o the contemporary reader, the story of the ancient Israelites’ exodus from Egypt is every bit as compelling as it was to readers centuries ago. And much like the rabbis as far back as 2,000 years ago, there is an aspect of this story that remains troubling for many of us today — God’s hardening of Pharaoh’s heart, effectively compelling Pharaoh to continue to subject our ancestors to slavery, even when Pharaoh might have chosen to do otherwise.

God’s actions appear to interfere with the integrity of the story and its message, allowing Pharaoh an excuse for his continued tyranny and even rendering Pharaoh a sympathetic victim. Is it not God who, having hardened Pharaoh’s heart after the first five plagues, bears sole responsibility for both the continued enslavement of our ancestors and the resulting destruction of Egypt?

This week’s Torah portion, Bo, begins with God’s charge to Moses to call upon Pharaoh yet again, introducing the eighth plague. In the Torah’s recounting of the narrative, God tells Moses, “Go to Pharaoh, for I have hardened his heart … that you may recount in the hearing of your sons and your sons’ sons how I made a mockery of the Egyptians …” (Exodus 10:1-2).

But why would God want to make a mockery of the Egyptians? And why would God want succeeding generations to hear, and presumably retell, the story of how God did so? A commonly referenced talmudic answer to this question, attributed to the sage Resh Lakish, suggests there is a limit to God’s patience in awaiting one’s repentance; that given Pharaoh’s refusal to free the Israelite slaves after the first several plagues, God was unwilling thereafter to accept Pharaoh’s change of heart. However, this interpretation runs counter to many meaningful rabbinic sources who suggest that the gates of penitence and repair remain open, always, to the sincere of heart. Would Pharaoh have been insincere in his change of heart? We’ll never know, because God did not permit him the opportunity to correct his horrific subjugation of our ancestors, according to this interpretation. Wouldn’t our ancestors have been better off knowing with absolute certainty that Pharaoh and Egypt deserved their fate? Shouldn’t God have cared to find out?

Another interpretation suggests that God’s intent was to clarify for the Egyptians that there is a God to whom even their own king would succumb; that God is the redeeming force in the universe; that once unleashed by God, freedom’s will ultimately overcomes those who enslave and torment others, or seeks to do them even greater harm, and that such designs will lead to the obliteration of all aggressors. However, wouldn’t this point have been made just as powerfully and, perhaps, to a more enduring pedagogical effect, if Pharaoh had been granted the opportunity to see the error of his ways and then transform the Egyptians into a liberating people themselves? Surely this would have made for a story of enormous consequence, potentially encouraging the abolition of all tyranny in the world.

Well, no.

Liberation, as with security, is rarely — if ever — achieved without confronting with decisive power those who aim to terrorize, subjugate and destroy others.

It strikes me that the primary audience for God’s excessive pursuit of Pharaoh, even to the point of hardening his heart, was the slaves and not those who enslaved. It was the Israelites whose grandchildren were intended to hear and repeat this story, not the Egyptians. Perhaps, as a liberated people, there was a lasting lesson to be learned from overcoming a persistent and stubborn enemy with evil intent. Perhaps the challenge of outlasting tyrannical adversaries and their desire to conquer and even to destroy liberty and humanity is one with which liberated societies have an inherent difficulty, especially when tyrants and their followers or proxies extend a false hand toward reconciliation. Perhaps God prolonged Pharaoh’s refusal to free our ancestors, hardening his heart for all to see and retell, so we might never confuse the contrition of those sincerely repentant with the manipulation of those bent on our destruction. Perhaps God was helping our ancestors avoid a tendency to which free but weary people might be forever vulnerable — that of compromising with a seemingly repentant tyrant who might then survive to torment them, with even greater effect, in the future.

This past week, our brothers and sisters in Israel unilaterally ceased their fire against a treacherous enemy whose leaders state openly that their ideology values death over life, an enemy who seeks the destruction of Israel and the marginalization, at best, of all Jews everywhere. Israel stopped shooting in order to honor the new path of respect and shared interests that our new president aims to pursue with the Muslim world. The new administration seeks to pursue diplomacy with the Muslim world as a preferred strategy toward our own nation’s security, turning away from the perceived errors of ongoing confrontations with our adversaries.

We might be wise to remember what might have been God’s most important lesson of the exodus for our generation: There are those, like Hamas, Syria and Iran, whose hardened hearts no longer merit our olive branches, and extending them might make us more vulnerable and encourage evermore their evil designs, as they perceive our weariness for exactly what it is. For our own country’s sake, for Israel’s sake and for that of the entire free world, I pray this Shabbat that our new administration, led by a president who has instilled hope in so many, remembers God’s lesson that, as free but weary people, our willingness to compromise with evil may leave us unable to confront it in the not-too-distant future, when it will have grown stronger and we will have grown wearier.

Shabbat shalom.

Rabbi Isaac Jeret is the spiritual leader of Congregation Ner Tamid, a Conservative congregation in Rancho Palos Verdes. For more information, visit Hardening Hearts, Protecting Our Freedoms Read More »

A Question for My Friend Alan Dershowitz

Harvard Law professor Alan M. Dershowitz is that rare individual who is both a highly respected academic and well known to the general population.

But in another regard he is even rarer. He regards himself as a man of the left, yet on one of the defining moral issues of our time, attitudes toward Israel, he has nothing in common with the left. He is not only one of Israel’s staunchest supporters, he spends much of his time defending Israel. He has written innumerable articles and four books defending Israel: “The Case Against Israel’s Enemies: Exposing Jimmy Carter and Others Who Stand in the Way of Peace,” “The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved,” “The Case for Israel,” and “What Israel Means to Me: By 80 Prominent Writers, Performers, Scholars, Politicians, and Journalists.”

This past week, Dershowitz wrote two eloquent columns defending Israel’s attack on Hamas in Gaza. One was titled, “Israel, Hamas, and Moral Idiocy,” published in the Christian Science Monitor and the other, “Israel’s Policy Is Perfectly ‘Proportionate,’” was published in The Wall Street Journal.

In his Monitor column, Dershowitz describes “three types of international response to the Israeli military actions against the Hamas rockets” — “Iran, Hamas, and other knee-jerk Israeli-bashers”; “the United Nations, the European Union, Russia, and others who, at least when it comes to Israel, see a moral and legal equivalence between terrorists who target civilians and a democracy that responds by targeting the terrorists,” and “the United States and a few other nations that place the blame squarely on Hamas.”

It is relevant to the question I will pose that he omits any mention of the world’s left, even when mentioning the European Union. Who exactly in the European Union is condemning Israel? Its conservatives? Who in America is condemning Israel? Conservatives? Who in Australia or Canada? Conservatives? Of course not. As regards Israel (and America and much else), the Western world’s moral idiots, to use the term in the title of the Dershowitz column, are virtually all on the left, including and especially many of his colleagues in academia.

So, I have a question for my friend Dershowitz. (I say “friend” because we’ve known each other for years and debated and dialogued together.)

Given that Israel’s security is so important to you, given that you believe that the ability to morally distinguish between Israel and its enemies is tantamount to the ability to distinguish between good and evil, and given that those who condemn Israel for its “disproportionate” response to Hamas terror-rockets are almost all on the left in America and Europe, why do you continue to identify yourself as a man of the left?

Everyone who thinks sometimes differs with one’s ideological compatriots. But when one’s ideological compatriots are morally wrong on the greatest moral issue of the moment and perhaps the very clearest, as well, don’t you at least suffer from cognitive dissonance?

It seems that to avoid this cognitive dissonance, Dershowitz engages in some intellectual denial. Just as he avoids any mention of the left in his column on the world’s moral idiots at the present moment, he does criticize the right for having its anti-Israel moral fools. In his book, “The Case Against Israel’s Enemies,” he has a chapter on the far left and a chapter on the far right, as if there is any equivalence of impact. And as if the existence of anti-Israel voices on that insignificant “far right” somehow balances the staggering number of anti-Israel voices on the huge left, whether far or not so far.

Dershowitz himself repeatedly acknowledges how inverted moral thinking reigns on American campuses.

To cite just two examples: In 2005 Dershowitz wrote, “It’s no coincidence that so many of the professors leading the campaign against Harvard President Lawrence Summers for his recent comments about women in science also were in the vanguard of the campaign to divest from Israel and boycott Israeli academics.” And in 2007: “The only people who tremble on campuses are students at Columbia and Berkeley who are worried that they’ll be graded down for being pro-Israel.”

Now which part of the American political spectrum dominates the universities, the left or the right? The former, of course. But Dershowitz won’t put two and two together, at least publicly, and conclude that there is something fundamentally and morally flawed about the left and its values.

Dershowitz undoubtedly reads The New York Times and Boston Globe editorials as well as those of The Wall Street Journal. So he knows that only the conservative editorials of The Wall Street Journal routinely defend Israel.

He knows that with few exceptions, there are no pro-Israel left-wing journals as there are right-wing pro-Israel journals, such as the Wall Street Journal, the Weekly Standard and National Review.

He knows that Israel is routinely bashed on left-wing talk radio (including, though more subtly, on NPR) and that Israel is constantly defended on right-wing talk radio.

He knows that on the Internet, the most virulent attacks on Israel are on the left, while the most pro-Israel Web sites are nearly all conservative and right wing, from Townhall.com to LittleGreenFootballs to NationalReviewOnline.

But none of this matters. Dershowitz still morally equates left and right and considers himself a man of the left.

Why?

I welcome Dershowitz’s response. Here is mine.

One reason, I believe, is that to acknowledge the moral failure of the left, especially the secular left, on most of the great moral issues of the post-World War II era — the Cold War, the Middle East, confronting (or even acknowledging the existence of) the Islamist threat — is very difficult for a person on the left, even one as analytical as Dershowitz. Secular leftism is analogous to Arthur Koestler’s “god that failed.” And few people want to confront the fact that the ideal, the god they bet their lives on, is a false god.

Second, to acknowledge the broken moral compass that guides the left is to implicitly endorse the right, especially the religious right. But that is very difficult for anyone on the left to do because the essence of the secular left is a rejection of the Christian right. That it is conservatives, especially religious conservatives, who are the most stalwart supporters of Israel, must greatly disturb Dershowitz.

And, it is precisely among those who most reject Judeo-Christian values that anti-Israel moral idiocy prevails. How does Dershowitz explain that? That’s my question.

Dennis Prager is a syndicated radio talk show host, columnist, author and public speaker. His Web site is www.dennisprager.com.

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My Answer to Prager: Why I Refuse to Join

My old friend Dennis Prager can’t understand why I don’t leave the left to join him on the right. Let me explain.

I am a civil libertarian, centrist liberal who supports most of the policies of mainstream Democrats and opposes many of the policies of the Republican Party and of conservatives. I support progressive taxation. I oppose tax breaks to the rich, even though I am relatively affluent. I support the right of working people and unions, though I oppose efforts by some unions to deny their members anonymous voting rights. I strongly support the separation of church and state. Indeed, I would build a wall of separation even higher than it is now, consistent with the principles of Jefferson and Madison. I strongly oppose efforts by many Republicans and conservatives to lower the wall, to Christianize America and to argue that atheists and agnostics are less moral than believers in traditional religion. I strongly favor stem cell research and complete equality for homosexuals. I support a woman’s right to choose, under most circumstances. I favor a broad reading of the constitutional rights of those accused of crime, even terrorism, and oppose efforts, whether by Republicans or Democrats, to circumvent the Constitution or to operate beneath the radar screen of accountability. I strongly favor our system of checks and balances and oppose the Republican concept of the “unitary executive.” I favor a maximalist view of freedom of speech and oppose efforts to censor pornography, blasphemy or other “objectionable” forms of speech. I favor strict regulation of gun ownership, consistent with the Second Amendment. I favor universal health care consistent with maintaining the high quality of medicine. I support the kind of free college education afforded me at the New York City college system.

I spend much of my life fighting against the bigotry of the hard left when it comes to Israel and American foreign policy. My staunchest enemies in the world include Noam Chomsky, Norman Finkelstein, Tony Judd, Elon Pappe, Alexander Cockburn, Jimmy Carter and others on the hard left who are obsessed with Israel’s imperfections, while ignoring genocides and real abuses of human rights in other parts of the world. As a centrist liberal and Democrat, I believe I have a special obligation to attack the hard left, because my attacks receive somewhat more credibility than the attacks coming from the right. (I also believe that conservative supporters of Israel have a special obligation to attack those on the hard right, such as Pat Buchanan and Robert Novak, who are virulently anti-Israel.)

Moreover, I base my defense of Israel on liberal values. I support Israel precisely because it is a secular democracy (I wish it had more of the separation between synagogue and state), because of its commitment to human rights and civil liberties, because of its adherence to the concept of holiness of arms (in the secular sense), because it fights defensive rather than aggressive wars. I support Israel because of its generally progressive views on women, gays, the environment and civil liberties. I am an admirer of Israel’s Supreme Court.

Nor am I alone in being a centrist liberal Democrat who supports Israel. I work closely with Irwin Cotler, a member of the Canadian Liberal Party and former Minister of Justice; with Elie Wiesel; with Anthony Julius of London; with Sam Pisar in Paris; with Amos Oz and Aaron Bharak in Israel; and with many others in academia and politics. My views are close to those of Ted Kennedy, Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, Al Gore, Barney Frank — and I hope Barack Obama.

It is extraordinarily important for Israel to be supported by the left and the right. Support for Israel should never become a conservative cause alone, a mission of only the religious right and a plank of only the Republican Party. It must remain a bipartisan issue. On college campuses, as well, there must be liberal supporters of Israel to counteract the many hard-left Israel bashers.

It is the hard left that has left the left over Israel. My goal is to increase support for Israel within the mainstream of Democrats and liberals. I will not be kicked out of the left by its anti-Israel extremist fringe. I will instead continue to support Israel to attack those on the hard left who demonize Israel, and to support centrist liberal principles that are good for America, for Jews and for the entire world.

Alan M. Dershowitz is the Felix Frankfurter Professor of Law at Harvard Law School. He is the author of 27 fiction and non-fiction works and has also published more than 100 articles in magazines and journals.

My Answer to Prager: Why I Refuse to Join Read More »

A Time for Action

Karen Bass, speaker of the California Assembly, looked remarkably calm, considering that she’d just arrived to speak at The Jewish Federation in mid-Wilshire following a freeway trip from the airport. At the Capitol, she had just taken part in another fruitless budget meeting with Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and other legislative leaders, an experience as difficult as riding the freeways.

I wasn’t surprised at her demeanor. Bass looked calm the first time I met her many years ago, before she was elected to office. At the time, she was leading a street demonstration against one of the many liquor store-drug market-prostitute hangouts proliferating in South Los Angeles.

She, along with her colleague, Sylvia Castillo, ran the Community Coalition, a grass-roots South L.A. group that campaigned against neighborhood blights, such as the liquor store and prostitution-sheltering motel. They’d also successfully challenged the School Board to improve the public schools.

As a columnist for the Times, I often wrote about the coalition and learned much from its members, young and old. What struck me was how Bass brought African Americans and Latinos together in the campaigns. It was a time when the news was full of stories of black-Latino strife. But the Community Coalition was free of it.

Bass was forceful but nice. She always had a plan, but important elements of it seemed to spring from the diverse group as it talked things over. It’s exhausting work, but Bass never lost her smile.

During the recent presidential campaign, I listened with scorn as the Republicans mocked Barack Obama’s years as a community organizer. I thought those Republicans ought to hit the streets with Bass and other community organizers that I have seen bring together recalcitrant, cynical, angry poor people and show them how they, too, can have a voice in our democracy. It’s hard work, and I doubt those Republican complainers were tough enough to do it.

Bass had come from hearing Schwarzenegger’s State of the State speech, which was followed by a meeting with her Democratic counterpart in the upper house, Senate President Pro Tem Darrell Steinberg of Sacramento, and Republican leaders, Sen. Dave Cogdill and Assemblyman Mike Vilnes, who represent the Fresno area in the Central Valley.

The five of them once again could not agree on how to close a $42 billion budget gap. Republicans refuse to consider a tax increase, holding to this position like cult members sworn to an oath. Democrats, on the other hand, don’t want to cut public school spending or reduce the safety net of medical aid to the poor, unemployment insurance and welfare. Nor do they want to take on the powerful public employee unions crucial to financing their campaigns.

Schwarzenegger, while conceding the need for a tax increase, won’t campaign for one, denying political cover to Republican lawmakers who might break their oath and support more taxes. Even though the situation gets worse every day, no side has budged.

“A painful year,” said Bass as she began her talk to the audience in The Federation building.

She said it’s been painful “because we ran for office to protect the safety net, to expand the safety net.”

At the legislative meetings, she said, the Republican leaders dismiss her stand because they say she represents a poor district.

She said she replies, “No, I represent West L.A. You have more poor people than I do living in the Central Valley.”

In fact, Bass has many affluent constituents in a district that stretches from the midcity area west to Culver City, Palms, Mar Vista and parts of Westwood and Brentwood. Many of those constituents are Jews. And, she said, they are on her side.

“I think the Jewish community’s involvement has been outstanding, especially in fighting for the safety net,” she said.

If everybody can “band together, we will be able to solve the problems of the state,” she said “and bring home the bacon.” Some people in the audience laughed.

“Turkey bacon,” she added.

Since then, she and Steinberg have traveled to Washington for President Obama’s inauguration. Afterward, they met with congressional leaders and were promised California would receive more than $11 billion in health care and education funds. This would eliminate a quarter of the deficit. But, as Bass and Steinberg told Sacramento reporters in a conference call from Washington, it is not enough to balance the books.

“We don’t have a choice,” Steinberg said. “We have to cut. We have to raise taxes.”

The occasion for Bass’ appearance that day was the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday. Before she spoke, African American youngsters from a nearby charter school read some of King’s words.

The school these kids attend and other public schools are dependent on what happens in Sacramento. The Los Angeles Unified School District faces a deficit of at least $250 million, and other districts statewide also face big cuts.

As Bass said, the Jewish community has been of great help to her in fighting to preserve as many services as possible in the state budget negotiations. But now is the time to do more. Hit the governor with e-mails.

If a Republican legislator represents you, remind her or him of the importance of compromise. And if you think Bass and the Democrats should be more willing to compromise, let her know. I think she’ll listen.

Until leaving the Los Angeles Times in 2001, Bill Boyarsky worked as a political correspondent, a Metro columnist for nine years and as city editor for three years. You can reach him at {encode=”bw.boyarsky@verizon.net” title=”bw.boyarsky@verizon.net”}.

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Seder With Beach Limbo?

Don’t get me wrong. It’s not as if I don’t enjoy things like beach volleyball, windsurfing, kayaking and moonlight salsa dancing. In fact, during the past week, when most Orthodox day schools have their winter breaks, my family and I have been pleasantly immersed in all those beach rituals at the Club Med in Ixtapa, Mexico.

A typical day: Catch a few ocean waves, join the family water polo tournament in the main pool, take a kid to archery, another to trapeze, another to the pingpong tournament, back on the beach for a few more waves, lunch, shoot some basketball, lounge by the pool, play some bocce ball, order a cappuccino by the sunset, have dinner, see a circus show, learn a silly dance and for a nightcap, join the kids for a salsa party on the beach.

In other words, as far away as you can get from my Pico-Robertson neighborhood.

Or so I thought.

There I was poolside, on day three of our vacation, fumbling with four water glasses I was bringing to my dehydrated kids, and who do I run into? The one guy I see most Friday mornings on Pico Boulevard when I pick up challahs for Shabbat: my friend Julien Bohbot, owner of Delice Bakery and Delice Restaurant.

Bohbot was there on business. He is putting together — with the people of Club Med at Ixtapa — an all-inclusive Passover excursion with his own kosher gourmet cuisine and all the fabulous amenities of Club Med. For a set fee, you can avoid all the Passover cleaning, shopping, cooking, serving, hosting and shlepping.

All you have to do is pack your bags and show up at LAX. They’ll take it from there.

Bohbot represents the tip of the iceberg of a mini-revolution in how American Jews are choosing to spend their eight days of Passover. Open any Jewish newspaper at this time of year and you’ll see a growing number of ads for Passover excursions on cruise ships, desert or beach resorts and even luxurious trains.

It’s the Exodus from the Exodus. For more and more American Jews, it seems that at Passover time, there’s no place like away from home.

Until this year, I didn’t pay much attention to this trend. But as I sat poolside this past week listening to Bob Marley music and pondering the notion of reliving the story of my people in a place where they teach you beach limbo, part of me wanted to scream: What are you all thinking?

I understand the convenience of getting away and taking advantage of the Passover holiday to have a family vacation. But where’s the romance of tradition?

Where’s the family-bonding ritual of going through the house to clean and burn the chametz? Where’s the warmth of a seder in your own home? The creation of intimate family memories? What kind of religious experience can you get in a vacation resort?

A Passover experience at a Club Med? Sorry, not for me.

For my money, give me the last-minute rush to Pico Glatt, the scrambling for that special shmurah matzah, the spring cleaning and renewal of the home, the frenetic preparations, the davening at my local shul, the guests at our seder table, the afternoon visits with the neighbors — in short, give me Pesach in a Jewish neighborhood.

And give me chol ha-moed — those subtle, semi-holy days in between the first and last days — surely some of the least appreciated days of our religious calendar. In a Jewish neighborhood, the atmosphere of chol ha-moed might be fun and games, but the holiness of the holiday always hovers. In its own way, chol ha-moed might best embody the Jewish ideal to enjoy life, but never forget its holiness. 

Holiness is not something that came easily to mind as I vacationed in Ixtapa. And the more I thought about it, the stronger I felt about being in familiar surroundings for Passover.

And then, just as I was feeling really sure of myself, who do I meet to complicate my thinking? A group of religious Syrian Jews from Brooklyn who brought a sefer Torah to Club Med and who invited me to join them for Shabbat services.

There I was at sunset, in the middle of a beach resort, where an hour earlier I was playing in a pingpong tournament, singing “Lecha Dodi” and saying Kaddish for my father’s yahrzeit by the ocean waves—having one of the more sublime Kabbalat Shabbats I can remember.

So yes, it’s very possible that I’m missing something here. Maybe the freshness and openness of nature can compensate for the intimacy and grit of a neighborhood and lead to a more transcendent holiday experience. Maybe the absence of all that shlepping and cleaning and cooking can leave more time for contemplating the awesome story of our people next to the awesome beauty of nature.

But then, if I’m going to experience Passover in nature, I have a better idea for a perfect setting: The middle of a desert.

In this fantasy, I see a few desert tents, a bunch of adventurous friends and a seder like no other. We would dress in white robes and retell the story of the Exodus in the desert of our ancestors. Everywhere you would look, there would be only desert. You would hear and feel and smell the same sands and winds that our biblical brethren walked through for 40 years.

I brought up this idea with Bohbot when I met him at Ixtapa. He was explaining to me the formidable logistics involved in planning Passover excursions in faraway places, so I figured, can it be that much more complicated in a desert?

After hearing my fantasy, he gave me that polite look that said, that’s a nice idea, but as a businessman, I think I’ll stick with a nature setting that comes with morning Pilates and moonlight salsa dancing.

David Suissa is Publisher & Editor-in-Chief of Tribe Media/Jewish Journal, where he has been writing a weekly column on the Jewish world since 2006. In 2015, he was awarded first prize for “Editorial Excellence” by the American Jewish Press Association. Prior to Tribe Media, David was founder and CEO of Suissa Miller Advertising, a marketing firm named “Agency of the Year” by USA Today. He sold his company in 2006 to devote himself full time to his first passion: Israel and the Jewish world. David was born in Casablanca, Morocco, grew up in Montreal, and now lives in Los Angeles with his five children.

Seder With Beach Limbo? Read More »

Jews Without Money

Last week, a couple of days after President Barack Obama took the oath of office and set about trying to straighten out the country, I was in a meeting room at the elegant Brandeis House on Manhattan’s Upper East Side with a small group trying to do the same for the Jews.

The event was a kind of think tank to imagine the future of Jewish community. Nineteen participants, mostly philanthropists or their consigliere, gathered to take stock in the wake of what has been a gut-punching year — and what promises to be an equally tough year to come.

“I have a dire view,” said one portfolio manager who serves on the boards of several major Jewish charities, including Yeshiva University. He predicted a deepening recession and unemployment reaching 15 percent.

Whether he’s being alarmist or optimistic, there’s no question that the sudden sucking of billions of dollars out of Jewish charitable institutions and endeavors demands a reckoning. What are our top priorities? What’s keeping us from achieving them? And how do we fund the future of the Jewish community?

David Sable, a marketing expert, ran the session, which was co-sponsored by The New York Jewish Week and jinsider.com. Sable insisted from the start on only one ground rule: “We aren’t going to mention the ‘M’ word,” he said. In New York, the M word — Madoff — is very much a raw scab. Some participants sat on boards with the man; others socialized or invested with him. Besides, as Rabbi Joseph Telushkin said in his opening remarks, Madoff is not the problem, but a symptom of something much more dysfunctional in our community.

“We need to return to basic Jewish values,” Telushkin said. “We have come to equate religion with ritual. But ethics are not an elective in Jewish life.”

Telushkin carried with him his new book, just out from the printers that day: “A Code of Jewish Ethics, Volume 2” (Harmony/Bell Tower). He reminded the group that our tradition says God will ask each of us four questions on Judgment Day: Have you been honest in your business dealings? Did you study Torah? Did you try to procreate? Did you hope for the world’s redemption?

In other words, Telushkin said, “We have a world-transforming agenda.”

Somewhere along the way we came to measure someone’s Jewishness solely on how well they wrapped tefillin or kept kosher, or by how much a person gave to charity, not by how they made what they were giving way. (Please, no ‘M’ word.)

It usually works this way: What happens to the Jews is what’s happening to the world at large, and we, too, have been waylaid by easy money. Like our country, we have been enticed by “childish things,” as our new president said, and a self-satisfaction that borders on the ridiculous. The descendants of Moses and Isaiah, of Rambam and Bellow, of Freud and Soloveitchik drifted from learning and activism to getting and golfing.

“A Jew should be studying, arguing, thinking, working, making money, contemplating why God has put him through so many trials,” Joseph Epstein wrote in a post-M-word Newsweek essay this month. “A phrase like ‘dogleg to the left’ should never pass his lips.”

So, what should our priorities be?

This group came up with five:

1. Offer affordable, quality universal educational opportunities (schools, camps, continuing education, etc.) for multiple ages. Our future rests on our ability to transmit our stories and values to the next generation. We have to find ways to do this that are affordable in a world without as much money.

2. Tell the Jewish and Israel story to the world and to the Jewish people. We have always been a people who have a much larger impact than our numbers, and the key, said Gili Gordon, managing partner at Boston Consulting Group, is to “leverage our abilities.” One of those abilities is storytelling.

3. Find innovative ways to fund our future. It is time to rethink every single one of our organizations with an eye toward efficiency and effectiveness.

4. Ensure a thriving Israel and peace with its neighbors. The world’s Jewish health is tied to Israel’s health. We can’t be passive observers of Israel’s fate.

5. Eradicate poverty in our communities and in the world.

OK, this all sounds a bit ambitious, but it doesn’t cost a dime to think big. We have, as the rabbi said, a world-changing mission.

Listening to these ideas, I was struck by how much they aligned with what the new president said just two days earlier. His inauguration was novel — a black president, an articulate president — but the values and traditions he spoke about were traditional, even conservative: a return to service, individual responsibility and institutional accountability. None of these cost money.

It doesn’t cost a fortune to find brilliant ways to tell our story, to connect with and help others within and outside our community. As Obama’s campaign deomonstrated, there are new ways to do all this through new technology, and there are some reliable old ways, like volunteering.

The Jewish organizations that engage people in meaningful, hands-on volunteerism — not just having them volunteer to raise money for the organization — will be the ones that come out of this recession stronger. After all, even when the money’s all gone, we still have us.

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Palin starts SarahPAC

Scary news yesterday from CT’s politics blog:

Alaska Governor Sarah Palin has started a new political action commitee called SarahPAC to raise funds.

A spokeswoman for the PAC said that it was launched about five hours ago to help the former vice presidential candidate maintain connections across the country. She said it was too early to tell whether Palin will run in 2012.

The website says that the PAC is “dedicated to building America’s future, supporting fresh ideas and candidates who share our vision for reform and innovation.”

Sen. John McCain was recently asked whether he regretted picking Palin as his running mate, and he said, “I think the world of Sarah Palin.”

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Who should replace John Fishel?

Who do you think should replace John Fishel?

The president and CEO of the Jewish Federation holds one of the most powerful and important roles in the Jewish community.  The Federation president oversees the largest budget and staff of any Los Angeles Jewish institution and has the power to set an agenda and benefit the lives of Jews and non-Jews here, in Israel and around the world.

Is there someone you think could step into the job and inspire and revolutionize the Los Angeles Jewish community?  What are the most important qualities the Federation’s board should be looking for?  A superior fundraiser?  A visionary thinker?  A charismatic leader?  Should he or she come from the Jewish professional world? Hollywood?  The corporate world?

Don’t be shy—tell us what you want in the next Federation president, and send some names in too. Your ideas and suggestions will find their way into our coverage, with attribution if you desire.  The Jewish Journal is not affiliated with the Federation (or any Jewish organization), but we all have a stake in the selection.

Send to editor@jewishjournal.com. Subject line:President.

 

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