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March 28, 2002

Why Is This Seder Different?

Every year, the retelling of the story of Passover sparks the same intergenerational debate around our family’s seder table. Like singing "Dayenu" or eating charoset, we look forward to our traditional discussion of the nature and extent of anti-Semitism. My father, with my grandmother cheering on, argues that anti-Semitism is alive and, alas, well.

My two sisters and I disagree. Raised in liberal, heterogeneous communities, we describe a time and place where ethnic differences are celebrated, where they are taken in stride, and where surely no one is persecuted on their account.

We proudly tell him about the Korean American who gave an oral presentation on the Warsaw Ghetto uprising in our public high school history class. He rolls his eyes and cites litanies of anti-Jewish actions in places like Los Angeles and Paris. We accuse my father of clinging to an obsolete ghetto mentality of victimization; he accuses us of making generalizations based on the distinct liberal bubble in the northeast where we grew up. We are naive, he warns, to think that the world has come to terms with religious difference.

My sisters and I have come to look forward to this Pesach time debate; it is part of our holiday ritual. In arguing for the demise of anti-Semitism in America, we feel downright patriotic, celebrants of tolerant, multicultural America. We are also lauding our success as a generation. As a post-religious cohort, our generation has moved such differences past their potential to divide and to instigate hatred since these were experienced by our parents and even more by our grandparents.

This year, the seder will be different. For the first time in our generation’s memory, we have confronted a period of world history rife with blatant anti-Semitism. For sure, the anti-Jewish sentiment is not coming from next door. But the media has brought the accusations and hate against Jews expressed daily in Gaza City, Islamabad and Riyadh to our living rooms.

Young American Jews, who have long considered the Arab-Israeli conflict as a battle between two nations thousands of miles away, this year might be wondering why the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion," a anti-Semite’s must-read, is a best-seller among young Egyptians, citizens of the first Arab country to sign a peace treaty with the Jewish state. Even the most assimilated, unaffiliated American Jew, who still clings to the concept of a post-religious age, can no longer be deaf or blind to the hate directed against him. For example, even those American Jews who have long ceased to celebrate Purim could not help but react to a headline published in early March in a Saudi government daily, "Jews Use Teenagers Blood for Purim Pastries."

As a generation of American Jews raised on freedom of choice, Judaism was a part of our identity that we willingly embraced or rejected. We are a generation that treats Judaism as one component of our complex identities, one that we can elect to change and accommodate to the demands of the modern world.

We are, all of us — or so we have believed — Jews by choice. And thus we are shocked by this wave of anti-Semitism, because it does not differentiate between the temple-goer and the unobservant, between Reform and Orthodox, between Israel supporter and anti-Zionist.

Our generation of American Jews does not fit one prototype.

The simple son will come to the seder seeking information. With his parents he will discuss the intifada, the Saudi peace plan, the world views held by Islamic fundamentalists and the nature of U.S. foreign policy responses. The daughter who does not know how to ask might be so removed from Jewish practice that she chooses to absent herself and, perhaps, to spare embarrassment and hurt, is no longer invited to the seder. But if she does attend, she will need to be encouraged before she can begin to ask questions. But she will probably not connect Daniel Pearl’s last words — "I am a Jew , my mother is a Jew" — to her own life.

The evil son will come to the seder table angrily, maybe against his will. He will flippantly disassociate himself from the seder rituals, hurting his parents and grandparents. He will question the need for a Jewish state, though, unlike the simple son, he is fully aware of Jewish history and suffering.

The smart, respectful daughter and son will come to the seder with emotional reactions and questions prompted by their careful reading of current events. If it’s a good seder, they will probably leave more confused and upset about Israel and the war on terrorism than when they arrived.

This year, a new intergenerational discussion will dominate our seder. This year, my sisters and I will come to the table, respectfully conceding to our father that anti-Semitism has not perished. But we will also come to answer and provide comfort to our parents.

We will try to persuade them that, while they may be right, after all, that anti-Semitism is our condition, we may also be right when we insist that it is not our immutable destiny.



Dafna Hochman conducts research on terrorism and national security at a foreign policy think tank in Washigton, D.C. Her prior work includes Seeds of Peace International Camp in Maine and the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development in Herzliyah, Israel.

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Up Front

A Viagravating Pesach

Pfizer’s Viagra, the anti-impotence drug, contains chametz and therefore is not kosher for Passover, rabbis say.

“The coating apparently has a leavened substance,” Rabbi Menachem Rosenberg, the rabbi of Clalit Health Services in Israel, told The Jerusalem Post. Therefore, the drug (sildenafil citrate) is not kosher for the holiday.

Dr. Alexander Olshinitzky, a Dan Region physician who treats impotence, told the Post he has received numerous queries from observant patients about whether they can take Viagra during the holiday. The doctor said with a smile that some women may welcome the news that Viagra contains chametz, as “surveys show that before Pesach and during the first days of the holiday, women are so tired and stressed from preparations that they’re not very interested in sex.”

Hands Up! It’s the Matzah Police!

Israel’s Interior Ministry will fine any business offering leavened foods during Passover. The ministry is borrowing five Druse inspectors from the Labor and Social Affairs Ministry to be matzah inspectors during the eight-day holiday. The fine will be $80, more than double last year’s fine for selling leavened food. Druse Arabs often work as government inspectors, carrying out certain tasks forbidden to Israeli Jews on holidays. — Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Jewish Hollywood

When Hollywood lauded studio and independent films during two awards ceremonies last weekend, there were the expected Jewish jokes.

“I got an e-mail today that said that Frodo Baggins was an anti-Semite,” Oscar host Whoopi Goldberg deadpanned, referring to a character in “The Lord of the Rings.” Goldberg was really referring to the mudslinging campaign against John Nash’s alleged anti-Semitism in the 74th Oscar fave “A Beautiful Mind,” which took home four awards.

Veteran director Arthur Hiller accepted the Academy’s Jean Hersholt Humanitarian Award for his long list of activities, which included direct aid to Russian Jewish refuseniks and support of the Anti-Defamation League.

A surprise appearance by Woody Allen, who hadn’t bothered to show up for any of his own three previous Oscars, elicited the evening’s first standing ovation.

Meanwhile, at the 17th Annual Independent Spirit Awards — indie cinema’s version of the Oscars — gross-out comedy director John Waters gleefully noted that “Hollywood’s closed for a month at Christmas, and everyone’s Jewish.”

Director Terry Zwigoff of the subversive teen flick “Ghostworld” — which has a Jewish heroine — won two awards, including best first screenplay. Some previously unknown filmmakers received Spirit nominations for their Jewish-themed films: Henry Bean of the controversial Jewish neo-Nazi saga, “The Believer”; Sandi Simcha DuBowski of “Trembling Before G-d,”; and B.Z. Goldberg, Carlos Bolado and Justine Shapiro of the doc “Promises,” about children in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. — Tom Tugend, Naomi Pfefferman

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Leaving Mitzrayim

It was my third seder of the week, but this one was unlike any other. It was a "Seder of Women’s Voices," and I felt privileged to be one of the few men in the room among a 150 or so women. At one point during the evening, the woman sitting next to me casually turned and asked me a simple question, and I couldn’t stop thinking about it for the rest of the evening. "How did you become a feminist?" she asked, and then waited expectantly for my response.

"I grew up in a home with a mother and three sisters," I said, as if that somehow explained it all. Of course, even as I said the words I realized that they barely touched the surface of the numerous forces, experiences and influences that have gone into opening my own awareness to what she meant by "feminist."

The more I thought about it, the more I realized that being someone who accepts the equality of men and women as a given, and feeling that it is important to champion the need for women’s too-often hidden voices to be heard and celebrated, has simply grown to be an unconscious expectation of my life. What other choice do we have, if we are to play a role in the messianic dreams of Jewish life? What other role model can I embrace as a rabbi, if I want both boys and girls who grow up in my congregation to feel equally empowered to experience Judaism as fundamentally their story, and their challenge to use it as a platform from which to know that they can truly make a difference in the world?

I thought of what to me is the most important idea in the Torah — that all human beings are created in the image of God. I particularly felt the power of Godliness that night in the voices of women — teaching, singing, reading, asking difficult and important questions about Jewish life in America — including why so many people are turned off and away from synagogue life, and how we might use sacred moments to inspire us to work for the liberation and equality of all.

I prayed for women who were slaves to family violence, and men who were slaves to their own passions. I prayed for women who huddled with their children in hunger to be liberated from their poverty. I prayed for women, men and children who are enslaved by sickness and disease without medical insurance or the hope of healing.

In the Talmud (Sanhedrin 106b) it is written, "The Blessed Holy One wants the heart." Embracing a life where men and women help each other to fulfill their destinies as creative, loving, expressive human beings who together can bring more godliness into the world, seems to me the only way to really open the heart to God’s presence. This week, I realized that it has been over a year since my father’s open-heart surgery. I think of that phrase from the Talmud every time I see him. God wants our hearts. But God wants them open, warm and loving.

Every year we read in the haggadah, that each of us is commanded to see ourselves as if we personally were liberated from bondage. Now I know that liberation takes many forms. For my father, "liberation from bondage" took the form of freeing his arteries from their personal Mitzrayim, the "narrow places" which had suddenly threatened his life. And as we shared the seder together, I was filled with awe and gratitude once again. Each of has our own Mitzrayim from which we need liberation. Facing our personal enslavements, and having the courage to embrace our own liberation, is ultimately the greatest challenge of every Passover.

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Hit the Road, Jeff

I have heard people refer to the process of meeting someone as "the dating minefield." I can’t think of a place as chaotic, dangerous and fraught with anxiety as a minefield, except possibly anywhere one might go on a trip with one’s new girlfriend. Out of this chaos comes order. There are rules. Things go a certain way. A-B-C. My friend Marcus used to describe it as, "Getting your ducks all lined up in a row."

After you’ve been "a couple" for a while, it’s time to hit the highway together. The inaugural weekend road trip is the first test of your emergency relationship system. You drive somewhere, maybe Palm Springs or Santa Barbara. As far as New Haven is from Broadway. Far enough that you’re "out of town," but still close enough that you can bail out in two hours if things don’t quite go as planned. A lot of nice new couples have blown up on their first trip together. Take two normal, healthy adults out of their normal, healthy environment, put them in a confined space for 48 hours, and there’s a reasonable chance that at least one of them will go completely crazy. That’s why you must have the escape hatch built in to your travel plans. Some people leave on the freeways of Los Angeles as lovers, but return in icy silence as mortal enemies. In the theater they call this "closing out of town."

Keeping one foot out the door gets harder to do as you go along. The second trip is going to require an airplane. The number and variety of vehicles involved is like a scorecard for where you are in your relationship. A travel agent is involved. Your girlfriend’s name is now on file — the same file where your travel agent keeps your credit card information. This may be the first time her name and your credit card number are officially linked. This is a "moment" you won’t soon forget.

I’ve been dating someone for a little while — let’s call her Alison. Two months into the action we took our first trip, but we’re seasoned veterans, so we bypassed all these half steps and went to London for a week. My friend, Steve, asked, "What if you have a fight?" Good question, Steve, and I want to thank you for putting that notion into my head. "I think we’ll be okay," I said. "But, if it should come to pass, I will look back on this informative little chat and realize that’s why carrying cash and ample available credit is so important. That, my friend, is a long drive home."

Alison and I had a wonderful time in London. I don’t think you know another person until you get away. And the further you get from home and hearth, the more you’re likely to meet their inner child — especially where shopping is concerned. Alison developed a tic when we passed by the JP Tods store on Sloane Street, and I think I saw her head do a 360-degree turn when our taxi passed by Robert Clergerie. By the time we entered Harvey Nichols, she looked like Indiana Jones discovering the lost ark. "Eureka!" she said, disappearing into a sea of Burberry plaid, from which she did not return until tea time with the Queen Mum.

I didn’t really see what all the fuss was about. I mean, I thought the Prada store on Rodeo Drive was perfectly fine. But no. Oh, no. No, no, no. Obviously, I am not familiar with their entire line of fashion accessories, or I would not give voice to such an uninformed opinion. The Prada store in London is totally different, you boob. Ditto Paris and anywhere else worth traveling to. For that matter, civilization can now be gauged by the presence of a Prada store. Aspen has one, but Omaha does not. I rest my case. The further you get from one of these temples of urbanity and their insanely expensive nylon Sportsacs, the worse things get. Look at Afghanistan, for example. The nearest Prada outlet is in Rome, nearly 3,000 miles away. The entire situation there could be solved by the construction of a Rem Koolhaas designed boutique on Main Street in Kandahar.

On the flight back, we looked at the map in the back of the airline magazine and mused about where we’d like to go next. Turkey? Sicily? Thailand? Alison tells me there’s an outlet mall with a Prada store on the way to Palm Springs. Is it too soon to start taking separate vacations?

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Orange County Briefs

Super Sunday, Super Success

Nearly 150 volunteers, who phoned local residents for pledges earlier this month, raised $260,911 for the Jewish Federation of Orange County, a 50 percent increase over the $171,081 raised during last year’s Super Sunday. The annual campaign is $100,000 ahead of last year’s and is projected to exceed $2 million in 2002, a federation spokeswoman said.

The daylong phone marathon is the federation’s largest single fundraising effort. Last year’s one-day net represented 11 percent of the federation’s total $1.8 million budget, which is divided among six local Jewish agencies and three day schools, along with national agencies and Israel.

Campaign donors are invited to an appreciation event featuring two recent Israeli immigrants on Mon., April 15, 7 p.m. at the Jewish campus in Costa Mesa. Alexandra Veil, 20, from Ukraine, and Elias Inbram, 28, from Ethiopia, will share their stories. RSVP to (714) 755-5555 ext. 224, by April 10.

Reform Shabbat Celebration

Spend an afternoon learning, singing and eating at the Orange County Area Reform Community Shabbat Celebration on Sat., March 30, from 4-7 p.m. at Temple Beth El of South Orange County. 2A Liberty, Aliso Viejo. For reservations or more information, contact HUC-JIR (213) 749-3424 ext. 4205.

Interfaith Spring Holiday
Celebration

A program recognizing a variety of spring traditions, including Baha’i, Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, Native American and Sikh is planned Sun., April 7, at 4 p.m. at Chapman University’s Memorial Hall Auditorium.

The event is sponsored by the National Conference for Community and Justice (NCCJ) and the college. For reservations, call the NCCJ office at (949) 442-2814.

Holocaust Remembrance Shabbat

A special service is planned April 12 at 8 p.m. by Newport Beach’s Temple Isaiah to remember victims of the Holocaust. Special prayers will be recited. Rabbi Mark Rubenstein will officiate. For information, call (949) 548-6900.

Orange County Jewish Film Festival

The 12th Annual Jewish Film Festival will screen “Fighter” on April 14 at 9:30 a.m. and “Time of Favor” on May 5 at 9:30 a.m. in Santa Ana’s Main Place Mall. Filmgoers are invited to a preshow bagel breakfast at 8:30 a.m. A discussion with Michael Berlin, a UC Irvine professor and screenwriter, follows the film.

Ticket information can be obtained by calling the sponsors, University Synagogue at (949) 553-3535, or Temple Beth El at (949) 362-3999.

Avivah Zornberg Lecture Series

Author, lecturer and scholar Avivah Zornberg will give four talks in April as part of Orange County’s Community Scholar Program. She is to appear April 15 at 7 p.m. in the Newport Beach Public Library, (949) 717 3890; April 17 at noon at an America Jewish Committee luncheon, (949) 660 8525; April 17 at 7 p.m. at Chapman University, (714) 628 7260); and April 18 at 7 p.m. at Congregation B’nai Israel in Tustin, (714) 730 9693.

Young Professionals Event Features Rabbi
Artson

A young Jewish professionals Federation group is holding its first communitywide “connections” event Sunday, April 28 at 5:30 p.m. at the Hyatt Regency in Irvine for singles and married couples ages 25 to 45. The evening includes dinner, a keynote speech by Rabbi Bradley Shavit Artson, the University of Judaism’s dean of rabbinic studies, and entertainment by recording artist and pianist Gerry Schubert. For more information, call (714) 755-5555 by April 20.

Honoring Beth Sholom Volunteers

Doug Cotler, an award-winning composer, will perform in concert April 20 at 7 p.m. in the sanctuary of Santa Ana’s Temple Beth Sholom in a tribute to synagogue volunteers. Tickets cost $10 (adults) and $5 (children). Further information can be obtained from the temple at (714) 628-4600.

Israel Solidarity Concert

A solidarity concert featuring Avi Toledano will celebrate Israel’s independence on Sat., April 20 at 9 p.m. at the Tarbut V’Torah Community Day School, 5200 Bonita Canyon Road, in Irvine. Deputy Consul General Zvi A. Vapni is scheduled to attend. For reservations or more information, call the Jewish Community Center at (714) 755-0340.

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Saudi Plan Marks Change

When Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser swept into Khartoum for an Arab summit less than three months after the Arab debacle in the 1967 Six-Day War, he was greeted like a hero.

Newsweek ran a cover story titled, "Hail to the Conquered!" The summit passed the notorious "three no’s" defining future relations with Israel: No negotiations, no recognition and no peace.

In July the following year, Nasser took a young Yasser Arafat, traveling on an Egyptian passport under the name of Muhsin Amin, with him to Moscow on an arms shopping spree.

In the war against Israel, Nasser told Arafat, "You can be our irresponsible arm."

Nasser’s pan-Arabism meant mobilizing Arab power to defeat Israel — and support for Palestinian terror was part and parcel of the package.

Palestinian terror today may be more intense than it was then, but the political context is totally different. Part of the importance of the recent Saudi Arabian peace initiative is that it re-emphasizes, at a time of crisis, how far the Arab world has moved since Nasser’s day.

For moderate Arab states, Palestinian terror is no longer an "irresponsible arm" of policy but an embarrassment, undermining their relations with the West and encouraging radicals opposed to their regimes.

Whatever the final nuances, the Saudi initiative envisages an Arab world at peace with Israel and conducting normal relations with it — though the definition of normalcy may differ from country to country.

Some Israeli commentators see that as a conceptual breakthrough on a par with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat’s trip to Jerusalem in November 1977.

Others are more skeptical. They say the Saudis launched their initiative to improve their image with the United States and quiet Muslim radicals, and that it offers no mechanism for ending Israeli-Palestinian violence or renewing Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking.

Moreover, they point out that the Saudis played a similar gambit with an eight-point peace plan presented at two Arab summits in Fez, Morocco, in the early 1980s. Nothing came of that, the skeptics say, and nothing will come of the current initiative, because when Arab countries finish watering it down for the sake of consensus, there will be nothing left for would-be peacemakers to latch onto.

Until the last minute, Israel and the Palestinian Authority kept sparring over whether Arafat, the Palestinian Authority president, would be allowed to attend the summit, with Israel demanding that Arafat first call for an end to Palestinian violence and take some steps to put his words into effect. That, in turn, led Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak to threaten that he also would not attend.

Still, the Arab leaders said they were likely to discuss the Saudi initiative whether or not Arafat is present.

Even if the Saudi initiative is not another Sadat-like breakthrough, it is important, not least because of its timing. It fills a void, presenting an Arab vision of peace when there are no others; it comes in the midst of a vicious cycle of Israeli-Palestinian violence and suggests Arab backing to help end it, and, because of the similarities, it seems to imply an Arab readiness to accept the main principles of the American peace plan announced by President Bill Clinton in December 2000. That could be crucial for future peacemaking.

The fact that the initiative has been put forward at this time is a subtle critique of Palestinian violence. It offers the Palestinians a way out of their politically barren standoff with Israel and a way to achieve, through diplomacy, the national goals they have failed to attain by terror.

It also affords the Palestinians a wider context for peacemaking with Israel and suggests that matters of war and peace go beyond Palestinian decision making.

There is, of course, another side to the Saudi coin: The Arabs are laying down conditions for peace and displaying little willingness to negotiate.

If Israel doesn’t accept the conditions, could it be the beginning of a slippery slope to regional war? Some Arab leaders describe the Saudi initiative as Israel’s "last chance." Coming generations, they warn, may be less amenable to the notion of peace with Israel.

They have a point. Younger Arabs across the Middle East are becoming more, not less, militant toward Israel. The hope was that better communications in the global village would spur modernization, commerce and peace.

But 18 months of one-sided intifada pictures broadcast on Al Jazeera, the independent Arab satellite TV station that reaches hundreds of millions of viewers across the Middle East, have fanned widespread street anger against Israel and the United States.

Vice President Dick Cheney was exposed to the anti-Israel and anti-Western sentiment during his March tour of the region, which led the Bush administration to intensify its efforts toward an Israeli-Palestinian cease-fire. The administration now sees Israeli-Palestinian quiet as essential for the promotion of American interests in the region, including a possible attack on President Saddam Hussein of Iraq.

That is where the Saudi initiative and American policy might just meet. If the Americans back the Saudi initiative as part of a major international effort to bring about Israeli-Palestinian peace, interesting things could happen.

Israel’s former foreign minister, Shlomo Ben-Ami, long has urged a U.S.-led international conference to impose a settlement on the Israelis and Palestinians, using the Clinton proposals as the basis. Should the administration actually try something along those lines, the Saudi initiative could be an important adjunct.

If, as is more likely, the international community does not impose a deal but encourages the parties to move ahead on the basis of the Clinton and Saudi proposals, the United States still would have to play a vital mediating role.

When negotiations bogged down at Camp David in July, Clinton appealed to the Saudis and Egyptians to help the Palestinians make concessions on Jerusalem. They refused. Now they seem willing to do so — even intimating to the United States that they might be willing to back Palestinian flexibility on an Israeli tie to the Temple Mount.

But is the Bush administration ready to make the supreme effort Clinton did? When Nasser took Arafat with him to Moscow, the Soviet Union was still a great power. The Americans could not then have made a Pax Americana even if they wanted to. Now perhaps they can.

Saudi Plan Marks Change Read More »

World Briefs

U.N. Workers Killed

Two U.N. observers were shot and killed, reportedly by Palestinian gunmen, in the West Bank. The members of the Temporary International Presence in Hebron were using a road frequented by Israeli settlers when their car was shot at, according to Israeli military officials. A third member, who was lightly wounded, told Israel Radio that the group was attacked by a single gunman wearing a Palestinian Authority police uniform. Palestinian officials denied any Palestinian involvement and said Israeli soldiers were reponsible.

Jewish Leaders Meet Alongside NATO

Jewish leaders from 10 Eastern European nations gathered in the shadow of a NATO summit in Bucharest to discuss Holocaust-related issues. Organized by the American Jewish Committee (AJC), the Jewish conference came as prime ministers of 10 Eastern European nations met in the Romanian capital to examine possible admission to NATO. The Jewish leaders addressed communal property restitution, Holocaust memory, anti-Semitism and media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. NATO’s 19-member military alliance is expected to add seven new members in November, and among the most pressing criteria is a nation’s human rights record, including Jewish affairs. Prominent members of the Romanian government attended the roundtable with Jewish leaders from Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. Jewish leaders in Albania and Slovakia sent written reports.

Arabs Encouraged to Leave

Israeli right-wing activists are encouraging the emigration of Israeli Arab citizens and Palestinians from Israel and the West Bank, Army Radio reported. Working with the Moledet Party, the right-wingers are locating overseas places of work, study and residence for interested Arab applicants. The activists are advertising their services in Arab-language newspapers and universities. Moledet is part of the National Union-Israel, Our Home bloc founded by Rehavam Ze’evi, the tourism minister assassinated in October.

Pro-Hitler Magazine in Brazil

Brazilian Jewish activists are protesting a pro-Hitler magazine. Articles in Humanus magazine praise Hitler, call Sigmund Freud a sexual pervert and “reveal the true Jewish Albert Einstein.” The magazine is widening its distribution and can be found in Sao Paulo, Brazil’s largest city.

Slovakian Skinheads Arrested

Slovak police are charging 15 skinheads with promoting fascism. The neo-Nazis were arrested during a recent raid on a hotel disco in which police also seized neo-Nazi CDs and anti-Semitic books. Police said eyewitnesses saw skinheads using Nazi salutes and shouting racist slogans outside the hotel before the disco started. This was the second major raid by police on neo-Nazi activities in central Slovakia in recent weeks.

FBI Investigating Viriginian

The FBI has accused two men of attempting to travel to Israel to become suicide bombers last December. An FBI investigation found that Mohammed Idris and a companion, who tried to enter Israel after flying from New York on El Al, had been carrying a letter from Idris’ brother noting Idris’ plans to wage jihad, or holy war. The letter, written in Arabic, is described as a farewell letter. Idris and his companion were denied entry and sent back to New York. Idris also was accused of lying to a Virginia grand jury about his views on the Middle East and the use of suicide bombers and of falsifying documents to obtain a new passport.

P.A. Pays $7 million

The Palestinian Authority has paid the United States $7 million in taxes it assessed on U.S. foreign aid. After requests from Rep. Nita Lowey (D-N.Y.), the Palestinian Authority returned the money it had collected as taxes for goods and services purchased by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), which distributed U.S. foreign aid to the West Bank and Gaza, and USAID’s grantees and contractors. The Palestinian Authority previously agreed to grant USAID a tax-free status but had not paid back taxes collected.

Israel Program Courts Singles

Birthright Israel is offering a trip to Israel for Jewish singles. The program, which offers free, first-time 10-day trips to Israel for young Jewish adults, is offering the trips over the summer in conjunction with the Jewish Web site JDate.

JNF Wins Israel Prize

The Jewish National Fund won an Israel Prize for Life Work. The award, which will be presented on April 17 in Jerusalem, is being given to the group on its 100th anniversary.

Soldiers to Hear From Mom

Israeli soldiers originally from France will hear their mothers’ voices in a special Army Radio program on Passover Eve. The Jewish Agency in Israel, Army Radio and Radio-J, a French Jewish radio station, put the program together.

Help Afghan Quake Victims

The American Jewish World Service established a relief mailbox for victims of this week’s earthquakes in Afghanistan. Contributions can be sent to American Jewish World Service, 45 W. 36th St., 10th Flr., New York, N.Y., 10018, or via the Web at www.ajws.org. At least 1,500 people are estimated to have been killed in the quakes.

Lubavitch Meet Bush

A delegation of Lubavitch rabbis met with President Bush in the White House. The president signed a proclamation in honor of late Lubavitch Rebbe Menachem Mendel Schneerson’s 100th birthday, designating the day as Education is Sharing Day. Bush talked of the strength of faith and bringing people together and the importance of religious freedom, particularly in Russia. The rabbis also thanked Bush for his efforts to protect Israel’s stability.

All briefs courtesy of JTA

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Control Issues

Suppose for a second that Israel strikes a cease-fire deal with Yasser Arafat. Would the Palestinian Authority president be able to deliver? Arafat himself may not know for sure, as the extent of control he retains over the many military factions he has created or allowed to flourish in his territory is unclear.

On paper, the Palestinian Authority is made up of eight major security organs, each with a specific agenda. In practice, however, many of the groups compete with each other, making it difficult to maintain a clear military hierarchy and discipline — and obfuscating Palestinian Authority responsibility for each group’s actions. Complicating the scene further is the fact that there are at least four nonofficial organizations actively involved in intifada terrorism, and it is unclear to what extent they respond to Arafat’s orders or signals.

The four nonofficial organizations are: the Izz a-Din al-Kassam Brigades, the military wing of the Muslim fundamentalist Hamas organization; the fundamentalist group Islamic Jihad; the secular Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a prominent faction in Arafat’s PLO, and the Tanzim, a militia of Arafat’s Fatah movement that in recent months has been particularly active in terrorism both in the West Bank and Israel proper.

Until the outbreak of the intifada, little was known of the Tanzim, whose Arabic name can be translated as "the organization." A militia of some 10,000 to 40,000 Fatah supporters, the Tanzim usually recognized the authority of the Palestinian Authority in the past. In the Gaza Strip, the group was led by Ahmad Hils, but its more prominent West Bank leader was Marwan Barghouti, a veteran of Israeli prisons but also a supporter of the Oslo peace process.

The 18-month-old intifada has changed Barghouti. From a marginal local activist in Ramallah, he has become a national leader, a militant who time and again has vowed loyalty to Arafat — but also has made it clear that he will not hesitate to carry on attacking Israelis even if Arafat orders him not to.

Indeed, Barghouti’s influence has expanded to such an extent that some Israeli analysts believe that sooner or later, Israel might prefer to negotiate with him rather than with Arafat. Barghouti has reached his lofty status through violence. Some of the bloodiest recent attacks have been carried out by the Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, a group created during the early stages of the intifada by militant Tanzim elements.

The group has overshadowed another Fatah-linked militia known as the Pioneers of the Popular Army — The Brigades of Return. Last week the U.S. State Department officially labeled the Al Aqsa Brigade a terrorist organization — much to the delight of brigade members, who said it would induce them to increase the pace and ferocity of their attacks.

The Palestinian Authority leadership occasionally has called on Palestinians to refrain from attacks on civilians inside Israel proper — arguing that they hurt the Palestinians’ international image — and to concentrate instead on attacks in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Yet the Al Aqsa Brigade has continued to engage in terror on both sides of the 1967 border. In fact, the radical Muslim organizations no longer have a monopoly on suicide bombing, as secular Al Aqsa Brigade terrorists also have adopted this mode of fighting.

While the fundamentalist groups believe that no accommodation with Israel is permissible, members of the secular factions — with wide popular support, according to opinion polls — believe that a steady drumbeat of terror attacks alongside peace talks will force Israeli negotiators to make additional concessions.

A spokesman for the Al Aqsa Brigade told the BBC in a recent interview that the group has some 300 suicide bombers ready to attack Israelis. Since the intifada began, secular organizations such as the Tanzim have shown close military cooperation with Hamas and Islamic Jihad, undermining the classic division many analysts used to make between the secular and supposedly moderate PLO and its extremist fundamentalist opposition.

The rising popularity of the secular militias has affected the political power of security bosses like Jibril Rajoub in the West Bank and Mohammad Dahlan in the Gaza Strip, the influential chiefs of the Palestinian Authority’s preventive security apparatus. Perhaps in response, Rajoub, a longtime participant in security talks with the Israelis and who is often described as a relative moderate, recently came out with strongly anti-Israel statements.

The militias and fundamentalist groups complement the Palestinians’ official military force, whose 35,000- 45,000 members are divided among the security groups, intelligence groups and police forces. The official Palestinian forces contain far more armed men than the number stipulated in the various agreements that accompanied the Oslo peace process. While many elements of the official Palestinian bodies have planned or participated in terror attacks, the forces have not been deployed against Israel in a coordinated military manner during the intifada, a development that Israeli officials fear.

Consistent with Arafat’s tactics during his 35-year leadership of the PLO, he has placed the various security organs in competition with each other, and they are riddled with personal rivalries. Despite their rivalries, the majority of the security bodies remain loyal to Arafat.

The big question mark remains Barghouti. Despite the fact that Barghouti’s hands are stained with Israeli blood, many Israelis see him as a potential negotiating partner — primarily because they consider the Tanzim "the least of all evils" if Arafat leaves the scene.

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Making the Case for a Jewish State

Jews in more than 100 communities across the nation gathered on Sunday, March 24, to show their support for Israel — a welcome, if hastily organized, expression of solidarity as the Jewish state faces continuing terrorism and an increasingly treacherous diplomatic climate.

The same day, Newsweek released a survey of U.S. public opinion that should serve as a wake-up call to Jewish leaders about a crisis in their own backyard.

These leaders will be cheered by poll numbers showing that Americans are far more likely to blame Yasser Arafat for the current violence than his old adversary, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

However, they should be chilled by something else: a majority of Americans, according to the survey, do not think Israel should remain Jewish. Political support for Israel is strong; moral support for a Jewish state is distressingly thin.

That is bad news in an era when old canards about Zionism as racism are enjoying a strong comeback around the world. Jewish groups, busy fighting political skirmishes over today’s crises, do not seem to be gearing up for tomorrow’s big challenge.

The numbers in the Newsweek poll tell a mixed but ultimately disturbing story.

Asked if they believe Israel will exist in 50 years, 65 percent said yes — not an overwhelming vote of confidence but not surprising, given the bleak news in the past 18 months.

A strong majority disagreed with the statement that "the U.S. should reduce its ties to Israel in order to lessen the acts of terrorism against us," good news for Jewish leaders who feared a post-Sept. 11 backlash.

Sympathy for Arafat, never high, is at historic lows, with an overwhelming 70 percent calling him an "obstacle to peace."

Sharon fares better, but not much: 40 percent consider him an obstacle to peace, while 32 percent say he is "committed to peace." Three months earlier, the same question produced an even split.

A strong majority — 60 percent — say that after the current violence subsides, Washington should put pressure on both sides to forge a peace agreement. Jewish leaders are loathe to admit it, but there may be a similar split among U.S. Jews these days.

However, what stands out in the survey are questions and answers that cut to the heart of the whole Zionist dream.

Asked about Israel’s future, 42 percent of the respondents said Israel should remain a Jewish state; 38 percent said it should be "a mixed state, in which the Palestinians have a major share of power," and 6 percent said it should "no longer exist as an independent country."

In other words, more Americans reject the central idea of Israel than accept it, with an additional 14 percent having no opinion.

That represents a failure of community leaders to educate Americans about the basics: why Israel was created as a Jewish state and why it still needs to exist in a world that is very different from the one that gave birth to the country in 1948. It also may represent a failure by Israel’s leaders to offer a positive vision of how they hope to come to terms with their hostile neighbors, or at least a vision beyond using overwhelming force against the Palestinians for decades to come.

Sure, Arafat is a treacherous manipulator. But if Israel is simply viewed as the lesser of evils in the world’s worst neighborhood, support for a Jewish state will wane further.

Jewish groups these days are working overtime to counter Palestinian propaganda, defend Sharon against U.S. pressure and fend off U.S. diplomatic concessions to the Palestinians.

The pro-Israel lobby is busy promoting anti-Palestine Liberation Organization legislation and protecting Israel’s foreign aid. Last week, lobbyists rounded up 52 senators to sign a letter opposing any meeting between Arafat and Vice President Dick Cheney.

But across the globe, the "Zionism as racism" dogma is once again taking hold. At home, a plurality of Americans, according to Newsweek, no longer grasp what makes Israel different from the other nations of the world.

That unique state was created out of a shared moral imperative after the carnage of the Holocaust. That imperative still exists in a world where anti-Semitism smolders and often erupts, but the argument has gotten blurred for many.

1948 is ancient history for most Americans; a younger generation has grown up with nightly news footage of Israeli tanks rumbling through Palestinian refugee camps, not heroic Jews fighting the odds to create a homeland.

Once, Americans listened to the soaring idealism of Israel’s founders; today, they see Israeli leaders who give the impression that their only plan for the future is to batter the Palestinians into submission.

Making the case for the existence of a Jewish state is a battle many Jewish leaders believe was won years ago. The Newsweek poll is one more piece of evidence that maybe they were wrong.

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In the Name of Love

I was looking through my closet this morning for a spring outfit to match the warmer weather, and I found his T-shirt. It’s a red T-shirt with the Fox label — Israel’s closest version of the Gap. Once I had laughed that I’d dismissed him from my love life before I had a chance to give the shirt back. I had known he’d be embarrassed to ask for it. Besides, I had liked using it as a nightgown. It’s large and long to fit his handsome and broad frame.

I met Baruch last year at my favorite Jerusalem nightclub. He was the clubbers’ nemesis: a doorman, the one who decided on a whim when we could enter the club to finally dance. He stood there at the club gate with his arms folded, looking mean and cold, wearing the same stoic look as the rest of the musclemen bouncers.

Even my tight leather pants and my friend’s cleavage didn’t sway him, so I tried to break his stance. I decided to smile and strike up a friendly conversation. He hardly shook his head in response to my questions about him, until I asked him where he lived.

“I live in Eli,” he said. Suddenly, a warm smile changed his tough, macho expression.

“Where’s that?” I asked.

“It’s a settlement, outside Jerusalem,” he said, continuing to smile sweetly. “It’s so beautiful. You must come and visit some time.”

I didn’t think he used that as a pickup line, although precisely at that moment, I got turned on. First, I love it when formidable hunks reveal to me their soft spot. Second, it was one of the first, sincere and spontaneous expressions of Israeli pride that I had heard in a long time.

It immediately triggered in me the same feeling that had been suppressed that year as I sought to secure a firm entrance into Israeli secular society — and the door of that nightclub. In just that short moment, he touched me, and I gave him my number.

A few months later, this endearing Zionist click was not enough for us to sustain a long-term relationship. We were different in many respects, and we parted amicably.

I bumped into him a few weeks ago at the cafe near my house, and we spoke briefly. He told me that he had quit the job at the nightclub and decided to pursue land of Israel studies. He came alone to the cafe, which is the city’s trendiest hotspot for secular singles, and I assumed that he wasn’t dating one.

When I thought about it, he probably came to meet a girl. I wished him well, and, of course, didn’t mention anything about the T-shirt.

Then, on Saturday night, March 9, I heard a loud boom from my apartment, and I knew that the sound came from the same cafe where I had met him only a few weeks before. I walked briskly 50 feet to the end of my block, only to confirm my worst fear. I saw blood and two writhing bodies on the pavement.

A man, with burned flesh on his face, raced in my direction. Security cleared the area and asked me and my neighbors to go back home immediately.

This time, I didn’t need to turn on the news.

Well, I did see Baruch again — the next day in the newspaper — on the front page. He had died that night, along with 10 others, including an engaged couple I knew from the Jerusalem night-life scene.

I read the obituary and learned that Baruch was named after a grandfather who also died at the same age of 28, fighting the Nazis as part of the French underground. He was preparing a paper on the phenomenon of suicide bombers.

Further down, the newspaper also printed an open letter that Baruch wrote to the prime minister that he never sent, cleverly urging Sharon to take great action to protect Israel and the settlements, and not to sacrifice victims of terror to a hostile enemy.

Every so often, I walk by the site of the carnage and I think of him. The owners have torn the cafe down, determined to rebuild it. A few people set up camp — a shrine — across from the site at the prime minister’s house, with signs and posters asking us to leave the territories for the sake of peace.

The irony fills me with sadness. Baruch would have hated the idea that someone wanted him to be a martyr for a cause he didn’t believe in. I’m sad because in his death, he showed that the attack really wasn’t about a piece of land; it was about what we do in that cafe — enjoy life and seek love in a free country.

Now when I look at the T-shirt, I don’t laugh, and now — more than ever — do I wish that I could give it back to him.

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