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July 16, 1998

Torah Portion

READ A PREVIOUS WEEK’S TORAH PORTION

Parashat Balak (Numbers 22:2-25:9)

 

Parashat Chuka (Numbers 19:1-22:1)

 

Parashat Korach (Numbers 16-18)

 

Parashat Shelach (Numbers 13:1-15:41)

 

Parashat Behaalotecha (Numbers 8:1-12:16)

 

Parashat Naso (Numbers 4:21-7:89)

 

Parashat Bamidbar (Numbers 1:1-4:20)

 

Parashat Behar-Behukotai (Leviticus 25:1-27:34)

 

Parashat Emor (Leviticus 21-24)

 

Acahre-Kedoshim (Leviticus 16:1-20:27)

 

Parashat Tazria-Mezorah (Leviticus 12:1 – 13:59)

 

 

The Right Leader for the Right Time

By Rabbi Elazar R. Muskin

People often complain that if we only had leaders like those in past generations, we would not have the problems we face today. It seems to be a chronic malady that we never are satisfied with the leaders of our own time. Yet, an old Jewish adage states, “each generation receives the leader it deserves.” In truth, nowhere is this fact so apparent as in this week’s Torah reading.

Few biblical stories are as sad as the account in this week’s parasha, which describes how Moses could not lead the Israelites into the Promised Land (27:12). Yet, in the midst of this traumatic moment, Moses showed the measure of his greatness. The parasha relates how, instead of bemoaning his own fate, Moses concentrates on appointing a successor (27:15-23). Our own Sages in the Midrash suggest that this is the highest form of altruism, stating: “This tells us the praise of the righteous. When they are ready to part from this world, they put aside their own needs and concern themselves with the needs of the community.”

Although our Sages praise Moses, his successor, Joshua, does not seem to fare as well. The Talmud, in Baba Batra 75A, remarks, “The Elders of that generation said: The countenance of Moses was like that of the sun; the countenance of Joshua like that of the moon. Alas, for such shame!”

Rashi, the classical commentator, in interpreting this Talmudic passage, explains that the Elders were depressed and frustrated because they realized that Moses could never be replaced. No matter how great Joshua was, he simply was not another Moses, and, thus, the level of Jewish leadership must decline like the moon in comparison to the sun.

The 19th century of Musar (Jewish ethics) offers an even more critical interpretation, suggesting that Joshua could have truly replaced Moses, but he never rose to the challenge, remaining like the moon, never as brilliant as the sun.

Not all commentaries, however, agree with this critique. Instead, some of the greatest commentators suggest that the Talmudic passage should be read not as a negative assessment of Joshua but as an indictment of the Elders. The “shame” and “reproach” refers to the fact that the Elders did not give Joshua an opportunity to demonstrate his leadership qualities. As is often the case, the Elders of a generation find it too difficult to encourage a younger leader, feeling that the new leader is not worthy of their support. True, the Elders missed Moses, but Joshua deserved their help, and this they tragically were unable to offer.

Moreover, the Elders did not assess the situation properly. As the Israelites prepared to enter the Promised Land, they needed a commander equipped with the ability to communicate with the masses. Under these circumstances, Joshua, not Moses, was the better leader.

The 19th-century biblical commentator, the Malbim, remarks that Joshua’s charisma, his warm, congenial and dynamic personality, provided leadership that everyone could identify with, whereas Moses possessed an aloof personality that only the intellectual elite could approach.

The Hatam Sofer, another 19th-century commentator, reinforces this idea when he interprets the expression in the Talmudic passage, “the Elders of that generation,” as referring to a few special leaders who learnt directly from Moses and had a personal relationship with him. The masses, however, were awed by Moses and turned instead to his pupil, Joshua, for advice and guidance.

All too often, we are critical of leaders, comparing them to a glorious past, and we see only deficiencies. Yet we must remember that each generation receives the leadership it needs. Joshua was not a failure at all, but the Elders of his generation judged him harshly and incorrectly because they wanted another Moses. Israel, however, did not need another Moses. Rather, it needed Joshua. And in God’s infinite wisdom, Israel received exactly what Israel desperately required.

Elazar Muskin is rabbi of Young Israel of Century City.

Torah Portion Read More »

Inward Bound

Samantha came home from two weeks at Outward Bound, a no-frills boot camp in a sailing ship off Puget Sound, Wash., with four new vocabulary words: “Can I help you?”

I was in the kitchen slicing tomatoes, and the shock was so great I nearly nicked my finger. But she was serious.

“I can chop garlic,” she said, gaily. Oh my. Garlic is a second-tier miracle of its own; the expansion of my daughter’s appetite from Power Bars into wok cooking.

Teen-age girls always have a strange relationship with food. When I was her age, I ate only peanut butter or salami. Before Samantha will buy anything, even shoes and shampoo, she investigates its chemical properties and environmental impact. She interviews restaurant managers to certify the tuna in the nicoise is dolphin safe. Her favorite reading is the labels on packages, those tiny charts listing the calories, protein, salt and carbohydrates. With the exception of apples, she basically eats food created for astronauts.

I am well beyond arguing with her. This is my comeuppance for raising a baby naturally, in a Coke-free home, free of stabilizers and preservatives. I was responding to my own childhood, in which all vegetables came frozen in plastic bags or cartons; these were in turn a vast improvement over vegetables preserved in cans. Anyway, I baked my own bread (from a famous cookbook created by California monks) for her pre-school sandwiches of peanut butter and banana, (no jelly; too much sugar.) But the minute she was in our friends’ kitchen, she went right to the refrigerator and dove for the soda can. This was not the only exercise in humility my daughter has given me.

We are in the middle of a long summer of separation, so of course I’m thinking about how we began, and where we are heading. When Samantha announced she wanted to spend the summer camping away from home, she did so with my best interests at heart.

“You need a break!” she declared. And looking in the mirror, I had to agree. Exhaustion coated my body like a linoleum floor with too much wax build up. Where, under all those worry lines of parental concern, was the real me?

I spent my own childhood summers at sleepaway camp in upstate New York. While I enjoyed well enough the time spent reading novels and swatting flies on the top of a bunkbed in a cabin by a lake, it was my parents who really benefited from the experience.

Mom and Dad would bring me to the downtown New York bus depot looking haggard and defeated. The moment Dad heaved my duffel bag onto the baggage truck, his spirits lifted. When they picked me up weeks later, they were buoyant, hands waving brightly in the pageant of waiting parents standing curbside, practically glowing with good health.

Like Samantha, I took my parents’ happiness personally. I’d lie on my bunk staring up at the ceiling during the post-lunch rest hour, and imagine them dancing in the living room, or — imagine this — laughing together during dinner, like I’d once seen them when I was 7 and crept down the hallway during an adult party. But now I can see that it wasn’t me: all year long they were cocooned in responsibility; they lifted into their true joyous colors temporarily, when I was gone.

Who am I when I’m not a parent? So far, it’s been hard to tell. For the first days, I lived on the banks of denial, just doing my business as usual. Then I began to feel what was missing, the negative space where hormonal rage and sweet delight usually swing in counter point. My friend “E,” whose son is off to college this year, tells me she’s following him around the house in order to store up “boy smells,” anticipating the moment they’ll be gone for good. E and I are on the same page. When things get quiet at home, I spontaneously play in my head (never that @’*! overproduced record) the theme from “Titanic,” which Samantha loves. Girl sounds.

My friends, whose children are now adults and living on their own, are still practicing the parenting arts. We talk about the professional lives of der kinde as once we discussed their play groups and clothing sizes. And when the flock moves home for some periodic resting, we don’t even mind.

“They ask me to make dinner,” says my friend Barbara of her adult children. “I’m glad to do it.”

It’s weird to find how the mothering side of nature takes hold; it is the skin we grow and can’t easily take off. I am of the generation of women that fought against vicarious identities.

Parenting may not be my only business, but it sure eats time. How am I doing as a mother? is the question that haunts me night and day. So here we are, proud feminists all. But a kiss is still a kiss, and a mother, as my own mother forever tells me, is always a mother. I am now, for this summer, what my girlfriend Marika calls a “single mom,” a mother who is doing the same degree of worrying, but alone.

When Samantha was young, I would imagine the day that I would have my freedom again. Cross-country bike tours; a villa in Portugal; a cooking class with Marcella Hazan in Italy. But right now, I’m not Outward Bound, but Inward Bound, exploring what’s to come.

Marlene Adler Marks is senior columnist for The Jewish Journal. Her email address is wmnsvoice@aol.com

 

E-mail Marlene Adler Marks

 

Read a Previous Week’s Article by Marlene Adler Marks

July 10, 1998 Oh, Pioneers

July 3, 1998 Crossing the Line

June 12, 1998 A Vote at A Time

June 5, 1998Force of Nature

May 29, 1998Coming of Age

May 22, 1998
Under Our Skin

May 15, 1998Payback Time

May 8, 1998Still Dead

May 1, 1998Israel: Reclaiming the Feminine

April 10, 1998The Exodus Throughout the Years

April 3, 1998A Worrier’s Delight

March 27, 1998Clinton and the Feminists

March 20, 1998Shabbat, American Style

March 13, 1998
The Public Man

March 6, 1998Taster’s Choice

February 27, 1998
A Liberal Feminist Meets Modern Orthodoxy

February 20, 1998Spinning the Web

February 13, 1998How Do We Do It?

February 6, 1998One by One by One

January 30, 1998The Daughter

January 23, 1998Babysitters No More

January 16, 1998False Alarms

November 28, 1997As American As…

November 21, 1997The Thirteen Wants

November 14, 1997Music to My Ears

November 7, 1997Four Takes on 50

October 31, 1997Challenging Hernandez

October 24, 1997Common Ground

October 17, 1997Taking Off the Mask

October 10, 1997Life’s a Mixed Bag

October 3, 1997And Now For Something Completely Different

September 26, 1997An Open Heart

September 19, 1997My Bronx Tale

September 12, 1997 — Of Goddesses and Saints

August 22, 1997 — Who is Not a Jew

August 15, 1997 — A Legendary Friendship

July 25, 1997 — A Perfect Orange

July 18, 1997 — News of Our Own

July 11, 1997 — Celluloid Heroes

July 4, 1997 — Meet the Seekowitzes

June 27, 1997 — The Facts of Life

June 20, 1997 — Reality Bites

Inward Bound Read More »

Letters

The 45,000 Jews documented by the landmark Jewish population survey as residing in the South Bay must have been mightily mystified upon receiving their July 3 edition of The Jewish Journal with the map of Jewish Los Angeles on the cover (“Coming to Our Census”).

It seems that the geography of the community underwent some monumental dislocations that we were not aware of. The South Bay has suddenly shifted far east of the coastal area and is apparently hovering somewhere inland north of Long Beach. And those of us who have been operating under the assumption that Palos Verdes is the official name of that large southern-most peninsula that spawned a Jewish community now into its third generation have apparently been sadly misguided. To the chagrin of the thousands of Palos Verdes Jews who thought that the view from their back porch was the Pacific Ocean, their community has migrated dramatically to the north and seems to have been plunked in an unidentifiable urban tundra somewhere to the east of Manhattan Beach.

A call for accuracy in the journalistic definition of this region seems a modest request. The South Bay embraces a largely coastal swath from Westchester south through San Pedro, inclusive of El Segundo, Torrance, Lomita, the Palos Verdes Peninsula, and the beach cities of Manhattan, Hermosa and Redondo. This is an area rich in natural and institutional resources, attracting Jews of all persuasions and contributing to the vitality for which the South Bay is celebrated.

Shira L. Most

Director

Jewish Federation, South Bay Council

Torrance

Maybe “[t]he 1997 Jewish Population Survey tells all,” but your front page map doesn’t. During the 31 years that I have lived in Pacific Palisades, there has been a vital and ever growing Jewish presence in the community. But as far as The Journal is concerned, we don’t exist. What a blow!

Betty Rosenfeld

Los Angeles

Kupfer is Qualified

I am quite certain that Rabbi Boruch Kupfer did not mean to tar Rabbi Emanual Rackman with the wide brush of “…unlicensed and unqualified practitioners of the law,” the last line of Kupfer’s letter on the agunah (“The Annuller,” June 12).

The now 88-year-old Rackman, whom many consider the dean and elder statesman of centrist Orthodoxy, certainly needs no defense of his credentials as an authority in Jewish legal matters.

But just for the record, Rackman, current chancellor and past president of Bar-Ilan University in Israel, has authored three major books as well as scores of scholarly articles in all the recognized publications on halacha and its interpretation.

A renowned authority on the history of Jewish philosophy and law, Rackman has taught political philosophy and jurisprudence at Yeshiva University where he served as provost. Longtime rabbi of New York’s esteemed Orthodox Fifth Avenue Synagogue, he is a past president of both the New York Board of Rabbis and the Rabbinical Council of America. He holds a Ph.D in political science and a law degree from Columbia University and smicha from Yeshiva University.

Rackman created, founded and served as first president of the Rabbinical Court of America, the beit din of the Rabbinical Council of America that is now fighting against him on the agunah issue.

Does this sound like an “unqualified and unlicensed practitioner” of Jewish law?

Ron Solomon

Executive Director

West Coast Friends of Bar-Ilan University

Beverly Hills

Entitled to Benefits

In 1997, the German courts decreed that the Jews who had worked in the Lodz Ghetto and had survived the war were entitled to social security. While we lived in Hamburg, Germany, the Germans arrested, incarcerated, and murdered my father — and, shortly thereafter, in October, 1941 — my mother, sister, and I were deported to the Lodz Ghetto. My mother died of starvation there, and my sister was one of 20,000 children to have been rounded up, deported, and never heard from again.

On the liquidation of the ghetto, I became a slave laborer, or prisoner, in various camps; namely, Auschwitz, Neuengamme, and Bergen-Belsen. I am the only one in my family to have survived the war.

I worked in the ghetto under threat of death by starvation or deportation in several offices as a clerk, and in a factory that made leather holsters for the Germans. At that time I was between 16 and 19 years of age. Thus, 36 months of my life were spent under agonizing duress.

With the above background in my mind, I applied for “social security” in 1997 and went to Germany in 1998 to pursue the matter further. When the Germans processed my application, I learned to my dismay that I would receive DM 170 or $80 a month, including the time I had worked as home-seamstress in Hamburg.

Why so low, I wondered. Upon inquiry, I was told that I had been “just a clerk” and, as such, I had held a low position. Had I been the director of a factory, I would have received more money. Startled by this criterion, and that this was the “best” the German government could offer after more than 50 years had elapsed, I could not help but ask: “Do the former Wehrmacht and SS get social security too?”

“Of course not,” replied the official. “They get a high pension as civil servants.”

Needless to say, and, as a matter of principle, I am appealing a ruling that makes me less entitled to social security than my former oppressors, and I urge those few of us who survived — wherever we may be — to protest the appalling cynicism of this inequity. We may not succeed, but we ought to be heard.

Lucille Eichengren

Kensington, Calif.

Letters Read More »

Scars Fall on Alabama

Scars Fall on Alabama

Close to half the Reform temples in Alabama are named “Emanuel,” which is Hebrew for “God is with us.” Jews all over the state are hoping it proves true this fall, when voters pick a governor.

In a way, the Alabama governor’s race is the very embodiment of a dilemma Jews face nationwide as they confront the growing strength of the Christian right. On one hand, Republican incumbent Gov. Fob James, a passionate defender of Israel whose conservative domestic views put him sharply at odds with most Jews. On the other hand, his Democratic challenger, Lt. Gov. Don Siegelman, best known for not being Fob James.

But James is no mere conservative. He’s one of the nation’s most strident political crusaders for a Christian America. He recently won headlines by defending a judge who hangs the Ten Commandments on his courtroom wall. His advocacy of school prayer reportedly borders on promoting civil disobedience. Critics say that his attacks on federal courts and the First Amendment — he claims that it doesn’t apply to states — are fueling an atmosphere of religious war in Alabama.

He resoundingly clinched his party’s renomination in the June 30 primary runoff after one of the most divisive races in recent memory. Local Jews are shaking their heads.

“The politics here are becoming really frightening,” Rabbi Jonathan Miller of Temple Emanu-El in Birmingham says. “This seems to be the place where the Christian right is making its beachhead.”

James is not really as devout a Christian as his rhetoric suggests, say most observers. But his wife is. Bobbie James’ brand of fundamentalism is said to be one of the chief influences on the governor’s agenda. A millennialist who considers Israel the key to God’s plan, she’s visited Israel at least 15 times. She’s close to several haredi rabbis and Likud politicians. One rabbi flew from Jerusalem to her husband’s last inauguration, in 1995, to blow a shofar and read from the Ten Commandments in Hebrew. Afterward, the band played Hatikvah.

Challenger Siegelman is not Jewish, despite his name. But his wife is. The Siegelmans are regulars at Montgomery’s Conservative synagogue, Agudath Israel, where their older daughter was bat mitzvahed in February. When Hatikvah was played at the 1995 inauguration, the lieutenant governor’s wife was reported to be the only one on the reviewing stand able to sing along.

And, yet, it’s Fob James who has made friendship for Israel and Jews a cornerstone of his agenda. His Alabama-Israel trade mission last fall was a high-profile event that yielded important contracts for Israeli firms. He elevated the state’s annual Holocaust commemoration from a small reception to a major public ceremony. “We stand with you forever,” he declared in his 1997 keynote, “and vow before God Almighty: Never again.”

Few doubt his sincerity. It certainly isn’t a bid for Jewish votes. Only 9,000 of the state’s 4.3 million residents are Jewish, barely one-fifth of 1 percent, and most are Democrats. Last year, a mild ruckus erupted during a meeting at the Birmingham Jewish Federation when the chairman of the community relations committee disclosed that one of the panel’s 15 members was a Republican. “Most people were very nice about it,” says the lone Republican, Hyman “Herc” Levine. “But not everyone.”

A year later, Republican Jews are harder than ever to find, and the reason is Fob James.

“Here’s a man who, with his wife at his side, will stand up and say he’s a friend of the Jews,” says Tuscaloosa attorney Joel Sogol, a member of the regional Anti-Defamation League board. “And, yet, he stands with a group of people who want to make Jews and other non-Christians second-class citizens.”

Sogol points to last year’s Ten Commandments case as typical. A judge in rural Gadsden had hung the tablets of the Law in his courtroom, and he was opening each session with a prayer — Christian only. Sogol, representing the American Civil Liberties Union, sued in federal court to stop the practice. The case was thrown out when the court ruled that nobody with a valid interest had complained.

That didn’t stop Fob James. He filed his own lawsuit, demanding that the federal court specifically endorse the rituals. When the court declined, the governor went on the warpath, claiming that the federal judge was impeding the practice of religion.

James was even more aggressive after another federal court barred recitals of Christian prayers in the public schools of rural DeKalb County.

“The court basically affirmed existing federal law, that children can pray during non-instructional time,” says Birmingham attorney Lenora Pate, who lost the Democratic gubernatorial nomination to Siegelman. “The governor has used it to make the case that 50 million children throughout America can no longer pray in school. He’s even urged students to some extent to disobey the law.”

“I’m a Christian, and I’m deeply troubled by the rhetoric,” says Pate, who is married to a Jew. “Back in the ’60s, we had this same type of states-rights, ‘those-federal-judges-can’t-push-us-around’ rhetoric. Back then, it was wrapped around race. We had Gov. Wallace, who ran all over the state, whipping people into a frenzy, and out of the blue we had church bombings and little girls were killed.”

“Today, the same rhetoric is wrapped around religion. I can certainly understand how my Jewish friends and family can feel a huge concern.”

James does have Jewish defenders, particularly in Mobile, whose 1,200 Jews include some nationally prominent Republican donors. They say the governor is misunderstood.

“Those who know Fob James don’t feel threatened,” says Mobile attorney Irving Silver, a former chairman of the B’nai B’rith International Center for Public Policy. “I think he has an abiding respect for people of faith, and I think he is crying out — perhaps not as articulately as he should — about the shortage of religious values pervading our society. But the world is not caving in. Those forebodings about Alabama becoming a theocracy are just ludicrous.”

But the fears aren’t just theoretical. Last year, in rural Pike County, a Jewish family named Willis was subjected to violent harassment after protesting the prayers imposed on their children in school. Jews throughout the state, particularly in rural areas, followed the case closely.

“Fob James is a very nice guy,” says Rabbi Miller. “And the fact is that our constitutional protections are still in place. So far, it’s mainly atmospherics. But you don’t know where things may lead. That’s what’s frightening.”

“When non-Jews say they’re scared,” says Pate, “they mean they’re concerned about our image nationally. But when Jews say it’s scary, they mean it personally.”


J.J. Goldberg writes a weekly column for The Jewish Journal.

Scars Fall on Alabama Read More »

Community

A union victory was scored at the Miramar Sheraton Hotel in Santa Monica late last month, with some help from the Jewish community.

During a press conference late last year, Rabbi Neil Comess-Daniels of Beth Shir Sholom and Rick Chertoff of the Jewish Labor Committee marched into the hotel lobby and alleged that hotel officials had tried to intimidate workers into voting “no” for the union. They also denounced a poster that hung by the worker’s time clock, which, they believed, portrayed a union organizer as a Nazi storm trooper. They scored a small victory when the poster was removed.

Despite a mock vote that had shown overwhelming support for Local 814 of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees Union, employees nevertheless voted against the union, 120 to 108, in the real election. Union officials appealed to the National Labor Relations Board, charging that the hotel had engaged in conduct that had tainted the election. Comess-Daniels and Chertoff also sprang to action, helping to author a report outlining the hotel’s alleged conduct.

On June 29, an NLRB hearing officer recommended that the election be set aside and a new election conducted. The hotel may appeal that recommendation to the NLRB board in Washington. The Jewish Journal was unable to reach hotel general manager William Worcester for comment. — Naomi Pfefferman, Senior Writer


Confrontation Ends

A three-year confrontation between management and union has ended at the Summit Hotel on Rodeo Drive with the signing of a contract, substantially improving wages, job security and health and pension benefits for the hotel’s predominantly Latino workers.

Resolution of the conflict was announced at a brunch hosted by the Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), which had rallied a number of rabbis and Jewish personalities in support of the workers’ grievances and of their union, Local 11 of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees Union.

On the other hand, Efrem Harkham, the hotel’s owner and a major benefactor of Orthodox organizations and educational institutions, had the backing of a number of prominent Orthodox rabbis.

Among the new contract’s provisions, the current $6.55 per hour wage for housekeepers was raised retroactively by $1.90 per hour, with culminative raises over the next six years bringing hourly wages to $11, according to Rick Chertoff, executive director of the JLC.

Harkham was not available for comment but his executive assistant, Anna Gargioni, confirmed the labor dispute had been settled.

At the brunch, the JLC presented awards to Howard Welinsky, incoming president of the Jewish Community Relations Committee, veteran labor leader Elinor Glenn, and State Assembly Speaker Antonio Villaraigosa.

Chertoff took note of the combined Jewish, Latino and African American support for the hotel workers and the voting pattern by the three groups in defeating Proposition 226, widely viewed as an anti-union measure.

“We are seeing the re-emergence of a multiethnic alliance many had pronounced dead,” he said. — Tom Tugend, Contributing Editor


Today, I Am A Teenager

The old bar/bat mitzvah adage of “Today I am a man” or “Today I am a woman” was nowhere to be found as 11 b’nai mitzvah were called to the Torah at Congregation B’nai Emet in Simi Valley last week. All of them were already adults, but didn’t have a chance to observe the traditional coming of age when they were 13.

Some were converts, others women who were not given the opportunity to have a bat mitzvah. Some just didn’t know how to read Hebrew.

“My goal has been to give them skills to enable them to feel comfortable as part of the service,” says Rabbi Michele Paskow, leader of the 120-family Reform congregation. “It means a lot to them. It’s a big accomplishment.”

Congregation B’nai Emet, 4645 Industrial St., Simi Valley, CA 93062; (805) 581-3723. Julie Gruenbaum Fax, Religion Editor.

Community Read More »

Unlimited Learning

It’s 5:30 p.m. on a Wednesday evening, and a group of well-dressed men and women have gathered in the swank board room of a Beverly Hills talent agency. On the long marble conference table in front of them are stacks of academic books. After a few moments of small talk while latecomers get settled, Professor Benjamin Gampel launches into the evening’s topic: “Enlightenment and Emancipation in Western Europe and the Varied Jewish Responses to Modernity.” For the next four hours, interrupted only briefly by a dinner break, students and instructor will grapple with the 19th century forces that gave rise to modern Judaism. The far-ranging discussion will veer at times into current hot- button issues, like “English-only” ballot initiatives, Israeli attitudes toward Palestinians and the Jonathan Pollard case. At 9:30 p.m. the students will exchange goodbyes, reactivate their cell phones and go back to their separate lives as attorneys, bankers, arts administrators and media execs.

It’s all part of a nation-wide experiment in adult education known as the Wexner Heritage Foundation. The students in the Beverly Hills board room have been hand-picked to participate in the two-year, all-expenses-paid program, which includes a series of bimonthly study sessions and three summer institutes. The faculty is made up of leading Jewish scholars who often jet cross-country to preside over Wexner seminars.

Benjamin Gampel, a historian at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York City, speaks enthusiastically about his Wexner students: “The Wexner Program is probably the best adult teaching that I can do. They’re highly motivated; they’re so successful in their chosen fields, they bring that energy to the classroom. It’s thrilling.” And the students are equally lavish in their praise. Rae Janvey, who participated in the program from 1992 through 1994, speaks for many, insisting that “one of the blessings of my life is the gift of Wexner.”

The seeds for the Wexner Heritage Foundation were sown in the 1980s, when Les Wexner, founder and chairman of The Limited, Inc. (parent company of Express and other upscale clothing stores), was asked by members of a major Jewish fund-raising organization to take on a leadership role. Feeling that his own lack of Jewish education disqualified him from effective community service, Wexner ultimately decided to help promising young Jewish men and women get the background needed to be the Jewish leaders of the future. Beginning in 1985 in Wexner’s home town of Columbus, Ohio, his foundation has annually chosen a group of people between the ages of 30 and 45, who have demonstrated leadership potential and who are willing to commit to a rigorous schedule of classes.

By now, the program has visited every major urban center where American Jews congregate; the Los Angeles participants (80 in all) came aboard last summer and will officially be involved through the summer of 1999, when they will travel to Israel for a 10-day stay. Part of the Wexner agenda is to make Judaism come alive for community activists who may never have formally immersed themselves in Jewish history and thought. Donna Bojarsky, a Los Angeles public policy consultant with a long record of community service, admits that she was not prepared for the impact that study would have on her: “I knew I lacked the education, but I didn’t know how stimulating and powerful it was going to be.”

Others with richer Jewish educational backgrounds are still grateful for this chance to see the big picture. And everyone acknowledges the value of Wexner’s pluralistic approach, which makes room for Jews from many traditions and with many orientations. As attorney Howard Szabo puts it, “Wexner gives people from diverse communities a common base of knowledge.” The result has been the development of deep personal bonds that transcend political and denominational allegiances, and that may augur a more open-minded approach to Jewish community issues in the future.

The selectiveness of the Wexner Program is both an asset and a drawback. For the 80 Los Angeles slots, Wexner solicited more than 1,000 nominees from a wide range of synagogues and community institutions. With these odds, it’s no surprise that many well-qualified people ended up with letters of rejection. Rumors persist that some Wexnerites make the cut because of their financial status. When marketing specialist Gary Wexler learned that he was among the chosen, his first thought was that “I’m sure it’s 79 wealthy people and me.” And more than one participant has expressed dismay that worthy friends and colleagues have been excluded. Julie Platt, who works tirelessly for Federation and her children’s day school, confesses that “there are many of my peers who’ve made equal contributions that I’m sorry not to be sharing this with.”

Still, Platt insists, “every single person who’s at the table deserves to be there.” Gampel believes that because of the program’s exclusivity, participants have a special incentive to give it their all: “Some of them feel really privileged that they were chosen.” But, Gampel says, although many Wexnerites are hugely successful in their professional lives, “when the doors are closed, I never get a sense of elitism.” Gampel does admit that some of Los Angeles’ Wexner groups are colored by the proximity of Hollywood.

Rabbi Nathan Laufer, who heads the Wexner Heritage Foundation, does not shy away from the fact that his selection process has reached out to entertainment industry leaders, because “Hollywood helps to shape the thinking of all of America.” For Laufer, money spent on enriching the Jewish background of Hollywood professionals is a worthwhile investment, “even if all they end up doing is taking their Jewish knowledge and making a movie or a TV show.” True, it is the Hollywood insiders’ tendency to travel frequently and do much of their business between 3 p.m. and 7 p.m. that sometimes translates into spotty attendance at Wexner seminars. But Gampel and other professors have no complaints about how this theoretically exotic subgroup fits into the program as a whole.

Certainly, none of the entertainment industry types within Wexner fit the popular image of the slick Hollywood hipster; all of them, like producer Tom Barad, “want to find a meaningful relationship with being Jewish,” as a way to enhance their own lives. Julie Platt, whose husband, Marc, is a veteran studio exec, puts the matter in perspective: “If [the number of Hollywood participants] seems unbalanced, it’s because L.A. is unbalanced.” By definition, Wexnerites are leaders-in-the-making. Yet the program deliberately avoids focusing on s
trategic leadership skills, making the assumption that it’s up to the individual Wexner graduate to translate ideas into action. As Laufer puts it, “leaders will lead.”

This emphasis on the intellectual at the expense of the practical makes some Wexnerites impatient to roll up their sleeves and get to work. Larry Greenfield, vice president of Los Angeles’ Jewish Community Foundation, asks plaintively, “What do I do with all this knowledge, if I don’t know people to apply it with?”

But Bojarsky believes that the national scope of Wexner works in its favor. Bojarsky has discovered in her business travels that being a part of Wexner gives her an automatic link to scores of other Wexner alumni. She predicts that in the long term the program will produce “a cadre of people that know each other and will want to create together.” On the local front, Bojarsky admits that in a community as widely dispersed as Los Angeles, it’s always harder to make a difference. Still, she’s hopeful: “Maybe Wexner can bring people together in common purpose.”

That is exactly what has happened in cities that are home to Wexner alumni. Laufer reels off a list of new institutions built by Wexnerites: a day school in Atlanta, a synagogue in Chicago, Hillel buildings at Harvard and Yale. There have been intangible achievements too, like the evolution of Houston’s Jewish leadership development program along Wexner lines. Wexner nurtures its graduates by offering them an e-mail network, a newsletter and a series of regional retreats. One result is that important connections are being made: a community day school in Columbus, Ohio, began as a series of conversations between Ohioans and New Yorkers at an alumni retreat in Snowbird, Utah. That is why Rae Janvey foresees current Wexner grads being called upon to serve as mentors for future generations of Wexnerites: “Alumni should be together. We stimulate each other.”

The Wexner Heritage Foundation also promises its alumni help in organizing opportunities for further study. The San Diego group is typical of many, continuing to meet at its own expense since it finished its formal Wexner term in 1996. In addition, Todd Kobernick has joined with other San Diego alumni in working to spread serious Jewish education beyond the chosen few. The idea is to extend it to movers and shakers throughout his local community, in order “to get us out of pediatric Judaism, where some of us have been stuck.”

Wexner’s focus on substantive adult education is seen by Jonathan Sarna, Braun Professor of American Jewish History at Brandeis University, as its most significant contribution to Jewish life in America today. It is not true, Sarna warns, that Wexner single-handedly created a revolution in adult learning. But because Wexner came along when an affluent Jewish population was thirsting for a meaningful connection with its heritage and had the leisure to pursue serious study, he credits it with being “the right program at the right time.”

For Sarna, one measure of Wexner’s success is that it is so frequently imitated. By way of example, he cites the Melton Mini-School Programs in Chicago and Cincinnati, as well as Boston’s Meah (meaning “100”), a thriving organization that encourages adults to commit to 100 hours of high-level Jewish learning. When Sarna was asked to speak at a newly organized seminar series in a New York suburb, his hostess announced that “we’ve all been suffering from Wexner envy.”

If Jewish study is suddenly becoming chic, if communities are accepting the notion that Jewish leadership requires learning and not simply wealth, then Les Wexner’s multimillion-dollar investment will have paid ample dividends.


Alan and Lisa Stern: Expanding Their Circle

Among Los Angeles’ Wexner participants, there are perhaps 10 who consider themselves strictly Orthodox. Two are Alan and Lisa Stern of Hancock Park. Alan Stern, an importer of nuts and dried fruit, feels that Wexner has granted him and his wife “a wonderful opportunity to meet with people from outside our circle.” Though it’s a given that in many quarters there is no love lost between traditional Jews and those who lead more secular lives, Stern has found in his Wexner seminar group “really close friendships that I believe will last many years after the program is over.”

For Stern, one of Wexner’s biggest achievements is “it causes you to take stock of your life and of your goals and ambitions. It forces you to accept the fact that you have communal responsibilities.” Stern, who actively supports Bar Ilan University, the Orthodox Union and Yavneh Hebrew Academy, cannot be accused of aloofness from worthy causes. But since his involvement with Wexner, he has been far more open to taking bold action. In February, the Sterns filed “the largest individual lawsuit ever filed” against an Italian insurance company, Assicurazioni Generali, which they accuse of failing to honor policies dating back to the World War II era. Their suit has resulted in landmark California legislation that should aid other families of Holocaust victims in collecting funds long overdue.

Born and raised in England, Stern had a rigorous Orthodox education until age 20. Despite his background, the Wexner seminars have taught him a good deal: “The learning has filled a lot of gaps in my knowledge. Jewish history has begun to make sense.” Stern’s wife, attorney Lisa Stern, approaches the Wexner program from a vastly different starting point. She grew up in a secular Orange County household “where the only reference to Judaism was negative.” Though she adopted Orthodoxy upon meeting and marrying Alan, and though she has always shared in his community activism, she was secretly embarrassed by her Judaic ignorance, especially the fact she could barely tell an alef from a bet. Lisa confides that “it’s difficult to admit illiteracy and do something about it. It didn’t happen for 15 years, until Wexner came along.”

Today, buoyed by the Wexner program, Lisa has taken steps to master basic Jewish knowledge. She has also found new satisfaction in serving the Jewish community as a whole, through her membership on two key Federation committees. For Lisa Stern, there’s been “a marriage of my personal life, my professional life and now my community life. And Wexner has been the shadchan.” —Beverly Gray


Marc and Julie Platt: Balancing Act

The Platts could well be considered one of Los Angeles’ young power couples. Julie, who chairs the school board at Sinai Akiba Academy, is also active in the Federation’s Women’s Campaign and at Camp Ramah. Marc has long been part of the inner circle at Sinai Temple and the Federation, where he was instrumental in revitalizing the entertainment division. Together they started “L.A. Couples,” as a way to introduce young marrieds to Jewish community life.

Julie Platt was reared in a home where service to the community was a family tradition: “I’m one of those people who was born with a pledge card in my hand.” But her small Kansas town offered little in the way of meaningful Jewish study. Wexner is giving her the in-depth education she needs to complement her social commitment. When she speaks before community groups, “I now feel I have so much more to say.” For her, the Wexner experience has not led to new brands of activism. Instead, the program “has reinforced my beliefs that I’m spending my time in a way that I’m proud of.”

Marc Platt, who until recently was president of production at Universal Pictures, has sometimes found it hard to juggle his Jewish affiliations and his career. He is the first to admit that “a lot of Hollywood is very uncomfortable with religion.” But his own choice has been to take Judaism seriously, both in terms of observance and social involvement, and he sees the Wexner program as effectively deepening the sense of obligation he already feels. Ultimately, says Platt, “Wexner’s not about regurgitating the information you’ve learned. It’s more about being inspired and provoked” into taking creative action. Platt, who’s dealt with his share of luminaries, can’t say enough about the contribution of Les Wexner to modern American Jewish life: “Les Wexner is a real star. He asks for nothing in return. Except your commitment.” —Beverly Gray


Michael Tolkin: Making an Impact

In Hollywood terms, Michael Tolkin would be deemed a “player.” In fact, he was Oscar-nominated for writing “The Player,” the trenchant Hollywood satire that director Robert Altman turned into a tour-de-force film back in 1992. But Tolkin believes that his near-celebrity status had no special impact on the Wexner selection team. He feels he was chosen because of his years of Torah study with Rabbi Daniel Landes, and because two films he both wrote and directed, “The Rapture” and “The New Age,” revealed that he is “theologically inclined.” (He also has a screenplay credit on the current science-fiction hit, “Deep Impact.”)

Tolkin stresses that he is not a community leader in a conventional sense: “I have the least connection to any Jewish infrastructure, but I guess they thought it was a good idea to have one artist in the group.” He jokes that his involvement with Wexner has not convinced him to run for a Federation office. Still, “Wexner goaded me into being more directly active in my own community.” The result: he funded a new program that brought Rabbi Yosef Kanefsky of B’nai David-Judea onto the campus of Temple Emanuel Community Day School, where Tolkin’s children are enrolled. Kanefsky’s mandate was to introduce the Emanuel faculty and staff to Orthodox perspectives on lashon hara, the rules of civil speech. In this way, Tolkin feels he has contributed to Jewish survival by taking modest steps toward fostering interdenominational study. —Beverly Gray

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Mideast

David Margolis writes from Israel.

Facts on the Ground

By David Margolis

A couple of months ago, Dov Dribben, age 28, was clubbed and shot to death by Palestinian Arabs on a tract of Israeli “government land” attached to the West Bank settlement of Maon, about 40 miles south of Jerusalem.

Depending on whose story you believe, Dribben was the incidental victim of an ongoing struggle over grazing rights between Palestinian and Jewish shepherds; or he was murdered for “nationalist” reasons by Arabs who claimed the tract of land; or the Palestinians were gunning for him because of some previous argument or insult. (You will notice that the first reason is hardly different from the second, but the government, which framed it the first way, preferred language that imparted a less “political” spin.)

Whichever story you believe, you may be sure that the killing did nothing to increase my sense of security in my home in the village of Beit Yattir, another six miles or so down the same road.

That’s what a murder in one’s neighborhood does, in Israel no less than in Los Angeles. But if anyone had a reason to lose sleep over Dribben’s death, it was Yaakov Talia and his wife, Marcelle, whose sheep farm occupies an analogous tract of “government land” attached to Beit Yattir. Though Yaakov, a sturdy and sun-burnished immigrant from South Africa, says that he isn’t scared, Marcelle confesses that she is — very — and would gladly pack up their four small children and go, except that Yaakov is committed to making his sheep farm succeed and living his Zionist ideals according to his lights.

The actual threat to the Talias is implicit in their situation; that is, it is not just by analogy with events at Maon. Two Palestinian families have now made their homes, uninvited, on Yaakov and Marcelle’s farm — one on a hillside in the middle distance, the other just a couple of hundred yards from the Talias’ trailer. The Palestinians have torn down fences that Yaakov has built and stoned him when he tried to put up new ones.

Although it would seem, on the face of it, that the Palestinians are trespassing, Israeli law somehow ends up on their side: Yes, Yaakov’s 800 acres of hills and pasture land are classified as Israeli “government land”; yes, Yaakov is living there with the authorization of the Israeli government; but Yaakov cannot evict his new neighbors, because the government, though it placed him there and wants him there, will not authorize him to build the fences that would fully establish his claim to the land and mark any intruders as trespassers. And because he has no fences, the army and police will not interfere with the Palestinians who squat there.

On one recent afternoon, Yaakov recounts, a group of 11 Palestinians drove up to his barn, got out of their cars, and started nosing around — casing the joint, it seemed clear. Yaakov called the police, then went out to greet his guests. Either scared or angry when they wouldn’t leave, he fired a warning shot into the air. When the police came, the Palestinians said that they had only been looking for a picnic site. The police can’t arrest people for wanting to have lunch, and Yaakov can’t claim trespass without fences to mark the land as private. The only consequence of the intrusion was that the police — as the law requires — took away Yaakov’s gun for a few days while they investigated whether his use of it had been lawful, leaving him temporarily less protected than before.

If you are more fiercely partisan in these matters than I allow myself to be, you will see this situation as an outrage — as does Yaakov, who needs fences not just for protection but also to care adequately for his sheep.

The reasons I am not as angry as Yaakov are 1) I’m not Yaakov, whose hard work, future ambitions and personal safety are being compromised; and 2) Israel’s claim that these 800 West Bank acres are Israeli “government land” seems to me merely to express Israel’s side of an argument. Right now, the land is disputed. Our side is using Yaakov, who receives some financial assistance from the Jewish Agency, to establish “facts on the ground,” while the Palestinians squatting there (with no visible means of support and presumably paid by the Palestinian Authority or Hamas) aim at establishing their own “facts on the ground.” Ownership of this tract will be decided, in the end, by agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (or by the Messiah, whichever comes first.)

So the situation out here on the range flows back and forth between seeming, on the one hand, rational and, therefore, solvable and, on the other hand and more disquietingly, like an unpredictable Wild West drama, with rumors, guns and ambushes as feuding families battle for their place.

If the peace process does succeed in defining a border between us and them, Beit Yattir and the land around it — the high ground in the area and mostly empty of Arabs — will become Israel’s, and Yaakov will be able to stand at his sheep barn and point out to visitors where the Green Line used to be.

But until then, he’s just out there on unfenced land, with an Israeli flag flying above his trailers, unwelcome guests nearby, and the ghost of Dov Dribben whispering in the wind.


 

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The Editor’s Corner

Marks Crossed the Line

By Joe R. Hicks

One thing is clear to most observers: What began as a hard-hitting campaign between two highly qualified Democratic candidates, both vying for California’s 20th Senate District seat, has dissolved into a nasty and complicated political battle. It became a below-the-belt brawl that has the potential to set back inter-ethnic relations in Los Angeles and California for years to come.

What is less clear is a solution to the controversy. The thorny issue of campaign tactics that use the race card to energize voters is troubling and dangerous. But issues that surfaced during and after the Richard Katz-Richard Alarcon race demand well-thought-out responses. Adding more fuel to this already-heated controversy between Jews and Latinos is of no value. If taken seriously, (July 3), engages in heavy-handed “good-guys-versus-bad-guys” reasoning that will only serve to strengthen the current stalemate.

If Marks had only dug just a little deeper, she would have discovered that there is deep concern over the Katz-Alarcon-Polanco issue, and that many people — including non-Jews and non-Latinos — have devoted and continue to devote a great deal of time and intellectual energy toward constructive approaches and solutions. Much of the discussions and late-night telephone calls have, luckily, taken place out of the glare of the media. From among the organizations and individuals reaching for common ground, she singles out the Jewish Community Relations Committee of the Jewish Federation and the Anti-Defamation League, two long-standing and highly respected Jewish community institutions.

However, the work of the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials, nor the American Jewish Committee, rate nary a mention. She infers that only the groups she mentions had the courage to “speak out.” Beyond simply being wrong, this neat portrayal fails to acknowledge the complex minefield of both Jewish and Hispanic “identity interest politics” that is involved here. Marks’ passing comment that not all Latino “leaders” support Richard Polanco, nor do all Jewish “activists” support Katz hardly passes muster as a sophisticated analysis of today’s identity politics.

Lashing out, Marks asks, “Where were the city and county human relations committees.” Again, Marks’ research and/or sources fail her. One or two phone calls would have told her that I was part of a meeting held at the Jewish Federation on June 22, which was attended by nearly every significant Jewish organization in the city. The topic of the meeting was singular: the Polanco mailer and its implication for race and human relations. It is my belief that I played a significant role. I am outraged that Marks would intimate that I would shy away from any issue which impacts race or human relations. If nothing else, the record is clear that my positions and stands on issues of race, ethnicity and human relations have not followed the orthodox, politically correct path.

Since the June 22 meeting, I have had conversations and meetings with nearly every significant player in the controversy, including those from the Polanco camp and Richard Alarcon himself. My efforts have not been aimed at joining the battle to punish any particular political figure or align myself with any element of identity interests. Marks gets it wrong again when she says that “Jews are the only ones taking this issue seriously.” My agenda is to figure out a way to punish any public figure who inflames racial, religious or ethnic tensions out of sheer political opportunism. Many in political circles throughout this state are concerned and alarmed over the prospects of a no-holds-barred battle between Hispanic and Jewish political forces.

Marks finally gets it right when she correctly observes that “ethnic relations in this fragile, multiracial city must be safeguarded.” That means we must all be prepared to give up a measure of our perceived racial or other identity interest and engage in the hard work of building that “beloved community” that Martin Luther King Jr. often spoke eloquently about. I am committed to positive breakthroughs in this current controversy, but it will require far more sophisticated readings of the issues than we get from Marlene Adler Marks.


Joe R. Hicks is executive director of the Human Relations Commission for the City of Los Angeles.

 

Dirty Politics

 

Gene Lichtenstein

One problem with American politics is that winning is everything. That may help explain attack advertising, 30-second sound bites, and the more sordid aspects of campaign financing. It also underscores the tendency of candidates to utter platitudes and untruths — anything to triumph, to win the election.

I offer this as backdrop to the recent campaign between two Democrats, Richard Katz and Richard Alarcon, in the primary election for California’s 20th Senate District seat. As we all know by now, Katz is Jewish and Alarcon is Latino; much of the vote turned on ethnic lines; and Alarcon won by 29 votes. A pivotal factor in the election appears to have been an ugly political mailer that falsely tied Katz to the intimidation of Latino voters in a 1988 Orange County election.

That political mailer was sent just before voting day under the auspices of state Sen. Richard Polanco, who is chairman of the California Latino Caucus, and who presumably knew it was untrue. He presumably also understood that the business in which he was engaged, politics, was primarily — maybe, for him, exclusively — about winning.

It was “dirty politics” at play. What it was not was anti-Semitism. Voters were deceived or, more to the point, were suddenly motivated to vote, whereas some might have otherwise stayed at home. Polanco was interested in seeing that his candidate won, and truth, facts and consequences be damned. He was not the first political leader to take this path; he will not be the last.

While none of this was against the law, it does not mean that our only recourse is to write columns condemning such behavior or to reach out to the wider community, as Joe Hicks is doing (see opposite), in order to reduce the tension between Hispanic and Jewish groups. Hicks
indicates that he wants “to figure out a way to punish any public figure who inflames racial, religious or ethnic tensions out of sheer political opportunism.”

He need not look far. There is a tried and true remedy at hand. Raise money and join with those Hispanic leaders who oppose Polanco in an effort to replace him, either as a state senator or as leader of the Latino Caucus. It is a tactic that AIPAC adopted with some success in national elections. It is worth trying locally.


Gene Lichtenstein is Editor-in-Chief of The Jewish Journal

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A Drink from the Same Cup

If the pursuit of peace in the Middle East will not unite the parties concerned, then one life-sustaining element may. Israeli, Arab and American researchers and engineers have come together to find ways to produce more potable water for agricultural use, as demands for supplies of Middle Eastern and Californian freshwater continue to increase.

“Urban demands [for water] are increasing with the increase in population and standard of living,” said Uri Shamir, head of the Technion-Israel Institute of Technology’s Water Research Institute, a multidisciplinary research center that focuses on the science, technology, engineering and management of water. Fresh water that has been used for agriculture, said Shamir, must be shifted to the cities.

“If we want to maintain agriculture the way we have at the moment, we need water and more water,” said Raphael Semiat, head of the Rabin Desalination Laboratory at the Technion, a laboratory funded by Los Angeles businessman Rob Davidow, who’s a world leader in waste-water and sea-water desalination R & D.

With water resources limited throughout the Middle East, the Palestinian-Jordanian-Israeli Water Project has been launched to research new, safe, cost-efficient methods to irrigate crops. One of the more popular methods researched and employed by the project’s committee, which is composed of scientists from the Technion, Ben-Gurion University, Jordan’s Royal Scientific Society and the Palestinian A-Najjah University, is waste-water recycling, a method that purifies waste-water with minimal harm to the environment.

Soon, even this process will not suffice, and the more expensive sea-water desalination process will supplant it — especially in California and Israel, where sea water is abundant.

“It’s a solution that is not free of difficulties, but it is basically on your own territory, using an infinite source — the ocean,” said Shamir, who is currently conducting research in management of disputed international waters at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government.

Sea-water desalination works in one of two ways: a thermal process, which evaporates and then condenses clean water vapor, and water membranes, which filter water through tiny pores about 0.1 micrometers small.

Researchers from the Rabin Desalination Laboratory have worked with I.D.E. Technologies (formerly Israel Desalination Engineering) of Ra’ananna, Israel and the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California who have joined with Parsons Corporation of Pasadena and Reynolds Metals Co., to design a state-of-the-art, generic desalination facility that could purify up to 80 million gallons a day using the thermal process. After two years of R & D, the design of the 540-foot tower is now complete, and the partners are looking for investors to implement the design and construct a plant. The most viable locations for the plant are along California’s coast, since Israel’s coast is more populated.

The Jordanians and Palestinians are less likely to employ sea-water desalination because they have little or no access to the sea. Nevertheless, efforts are still underway to conduct joint research on desalination with Palestinian and Jordanian scientists. The Joint Palestinian-Jordanian Water Project, however, needs more funds as well as a more peaceful political environment to resume this research with full force.

“We are trying to continue unhampered,” said Shamir, who believes that cooperation for knowledge for society’s benefit will eventually override any disharmony caused by nationalistic strife.

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Pursuing Holocaust Claims

A new sophisticated computer database may help the heirs of Holocaust victims receive the benefits of insurance policiestaken out by long-deceased relatives.

Major European insurance companies have refused torelease benefits to such policies, believing them heir-less. Butparticipants at the conference of the Association of JewishGenealogical Societies held in Century City last week announced thatthe large scale database project, called “The Family Tree of theJewish People,” will help track and document the survivingdesecndents of Holocaust victims. AJGS and its president, Dr.Sallyann Sack, are already involved in the project, along with theDouglas E. Goldman Genealogy Center at the Museum of the Diaspora inTel Aviv. Washington state Insurance Commissioner Deborah Senn, whohelped lead the initial investigation into Holocaust survivors’claims, said the database will, “link families around the world tothis pursuit of justice.”– Staff Report

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