Rosner’s Domain: Can Israel Win Over the Young?

New data from the PEW Research Center confirm the persistence of trends that have been previously identified in Americans’ attitudes toward Israel. This includes a variety of things: Americans generally have a positive feeling toward Israelis, and this year also Palestinians. The governments of Israel and the Palestinians are seen in a less positive light (with a significant advantage for Israel). The preferred solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is two states for two peoples, though the plurality of Americans (37%) have no position on this matter (why would they?). 

What always attracts attention in these polls is not the general picture, but rather the tendencies of subgroups. Republicans support Israel more than Democrats. Evangelicals are more supportive than atheists. Older Americans are more positive toward Israel than younger Americans. In fact, this is the most important finding, because this is where the concern about the future becomes most vivid. This is the root cause of the occasional headline along the lines of “Israel is losing America.” If young people are less sympathetic to Israel, then all we have to do is wait, as the old generation of sympathetic Americans make room for a younger one of unsympathetic Americans. 

Of course, this process is not written in stone. First, it’s not clear whether young people are less sympathetic to Israel because they are young, or because they are different. If it’s because they are young, then perhaps when they get older (and hopefully wiser) they will change their position on Israel. If it’s because they are different, there is still hope for a future change because of actual changes in reality. For example, the survey shows that the Israeli government of 2022 is more popular with Americans than the Israeli government of 2019 (sorry Netanyahu fans, that’s what the data says). That is, the fact that Israel currently has difficulty with young Americans does not mean that this trend will continue in the same direction. It can also change or maybe even be reversed. 

What will make it reverse? Here we begin the more important and interesting discussion about “Israel is losing America.” When someone uses the term “Israeli is losing,” there is a silent assumption behind these words that Israel is responsible for the loss. “Israel” does something that causes the “loss”. If Israel were to act differently, American support may not be lost. The sentiment is of Israeli responsibility, and perhaps even guilt. Because of Israel, this thing happens. Because of Israel, young Americans become less sympathetic. 

Maybe that’s true. Maybe it’s because of Israel. But we need to be careful before jumping to such conclusions; one, because I’m not sure it is really Israel’s fault, and two, because I’m not sure that even if it’s because of Israel that Israel can do much about it. 

Let me explain: Suppose young people in America can no longer tolerate countries that have a distinct national identity. They are in a post-national mood. Suppose that in order for Israel to get the sympathy of young Americans, it must shed its national identity. Stop being the nation state of the Jewish people, and become a neutral state, like America. Suppose this is the case – is it still true to say that “Israel is losing America” or maybe it is “America is losing Israel”?

Is it reasonable to expect that Israel shed its national and Jewish identity so that young Americans will sympathize with it? 

Suppose this is the case: is it reasonable to expect that Israel shed its national and Jewish identity so that young Americans will sympathize with it? This is not an easy question. Israel needs the support of America, and American public opinion is an important factor to continued American support. On the other hand, Israel needs American support so that it can defend itself and its identity as the nation state of the Jewish people. That is the purpose of the Israeli enterprise. If young Americans are no longer willing to support this enterprise, perhaps Israel’s way forward is not to try and bring them back, but rather try to understand how it would manage without their support. 

Of course, it is not clear that this is the key for Israel’s problem with young Americans. Maybe the problem is different. Maybe one of accurate information; maybe it’s the occupation (which brings us back to the question: so what should Israel do, evacuate the territories to please young Americans? And what happens if it turns out that the gamble failed, and the territories become an unbearable security nuisance?); maybe it’s the peculiar mixture of religion and state that is practiced here, and that Americans find difficult to understand (let me remind the readers, that we Israelis also find it hard to grasp some peculiar American traditions, such as the one of selling automatic guns to troubled teens). 

In conclusion, there is a fact: young Americans are less sympathetic to Israel. There is an argument: Israel must make young Americans more sympathetic. There is a problem: it is not clear whether the change required to restore sympathy is possible under Israel’s circumstances.

Something I wrote in Hebrew

As Israelis debates the merit and deficiency of a new “reform” in matriculation exams (the basic idea: written report replaces exams in Bible, literature, civic studies, and history), I argued that Israel is lucky to have parents who make sure the kids have what is needed for success, because the schools aren’t up to the task:

“The Israeli education system is a faltering system. There is no a planned facilitation of students by an ‘establishment.’ There is no functioning establishment. I wish there was a functioning establishment, which had the ability to implement reasonable plans. But there is no such thing. The fact that there are many excellent students in Israel, who later become researchers and entrepreneurs and inventors – professionally successful people — is not thanks to the education system. It is despite the education system.”

A week’s numbers

The numbers from PEW – see column on the left-hand side.

A reader’s response:

Ely Rose asks: “did you not predict the falling of the Israeli government? As far as I can tell, it is still standing.” My response: True, and yet I’d put my chips on an election between November 2022 and March 2023. 

Shmuel Rosner is senior political editor. For more analysis of Israeli and international politics, visit Rosner’s Domain at jewishjournal.com/rosnersdomain.