Workers clean up broken glass after the Holocaust Memorial was vandalized in Boston, Massachusetts, U.S., August 14, 2017, days after a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia turned violent. Photo by Brian Snyder/REUTERS.

Of Confederate statues and Holocaust memorials

I’ve spent a good part of this morning thinking about yesterday’s toppling of the Confederate statue in Durham, NC.

At Duke University, where I work as an administrator, students have written  asking me to send a message celebrating this action as evidence of courageous activism. But yesterday we also witnessed the vandalism of the Holocaust memorial in Boston. As a child of Holocaust survivors, I can’t avoid making a connection between the two acts.  Why, I wonder, do we think of one as activism and the other as vandalism?  Some would argue we can and should. But I’m not able to accept that reasoning.

Let me explain. I absolutely want memorials to racism, hate and prejudice removed. They should be either destroyed, or relegated to museums with appropriate historical representation. But, I want their removal through legitimate, law-abiding processes. Yes, I understand that unethical government actions (like North Carolina gerrymandering) stack the deck against progressive movements. But that just means we have to fight harder to change those laws, however long that may take. We need active voters and they need inspiration to vote– like getting monuments to hate removed.

I’m also aware that many people legitimately feel overwhelmed by persistent acts of violence, oppression and hate.  For them, delaying immediate action, or redirecting it into interminable political processes is equivalent to inaction. I’m certain that in Germany in the 1930’s, my parents and many others would have preferred anarchy to what transpired. But, I’m more optimistic that, partly because of these memories and because of my belief in an America that cares, effective and legal actions will ultimately prevail.

Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, whose works are now archived here at Duke University, said that, “morally speaking, there is no limit to the concern one must feel for the suffering of human beings, that indifference to evil is worse than evil itself, that in a free society, some are guilty, but all are responsible.” I take this charge seriously. I hope that what we saw in Charlottesville this week and throughout the country in the last few years will serve as a wake-up call for each of us and for our nation.

I’m old enough to remember effective grass roots movement in the 1960’s and 1970’s in support of civil rights and in opposition to the Vietnam War. Certainly, these efforts preceded today’s social media campaigns laced with anonymous diatribe. But, we have ample evidence of the power of thoughtful, intelligent and focused efforts to counter oppression and injustice. Without a doubt, what’s needed today will require far more time, money and energy than simply posting on Facebook and Twitter will suffice. We need young people committed to supporting candidates and willing to run for elective office themselves. And, yes, sometimes these days, we need protests and vigils and rallies. But, lest we emulate those whom we decry, we need our actions to be mindful of safety, ethics, and laws. When we take the laws into our own hands, we also legitimate the same behaviors by those who seek to harm us.

So, in good conscience, I can’t endorse yesterday’s behaviors. I hope that we focus our collective actions on having every elected seat up for challenge in the 2018 elections filled with people who decry white supremacy, anti-Semitism, racism, and every form of bias and hate. Our future depends on it.

Larry Moneta is Vice President for Student Affairs at Duke University.   

Mideast Solution: A Confederation

The Palestinians and the Israelis seem to agree on one thing: that the other is at fault. Each side wants recognition by the other that they are innocent victims, that the other side
is wrong. Each side demands that the other relinquish crucial aspects of its identity.

In such a situation, the best solution is to concentrate on a pragmatic approach that will benefit both peoples, yet not impinge on the sovereignty of either the Jewish state or its Palestinian counterpart. Such an approach may lay the groundwork for peace, by focusing on joint decision making on non-politically charged issues.

For some time now, the Israel-Palestinian Confederation (IPC) has pursued this option. It believes that one possible solution involves electing a confederation government comprised of Israelis (both Jewish and Arab) and Palestinians.
How exactly would such a confederation work? Approximately 10 million people live in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza: 6 million are Jews, and 4 million are Arabs. Dividing the entire region into 300 districts apportioned by population should result in a legislature divided approximately 60/40 in favor of the Israelis. However, if the relative birth rates of Palestinians to Israelis maintain its current ratio, in the not too distant future, Palestinians will outnumber Israelis.

The legislature will tackle issues that the Israeli and Palestinian governments, for internal political reasons, find difficult to address. The legislature will also deal with the day-to-day quality of life issues where cooperation is required including, but certainly not limited to, locating public facilities such as water lines, highways, schools and hospitals.

To encourage consensus and to prevent the majority from riding roughshod over the minority, confederation legislation requires a supermajority of 60 percent of the 300 delegates and at least 25 percent of the minority on any given vote. The Israeli and Palestinian governments will be given a veto power. To illustrate this point: in a 300-seat legislature, 180 votes are necessary to pass anything. However, if the balance between Israelis and Palestinians is 180 Israelis and 120 Palestinians, if Israeli sponsored legislation is enacted, it would require that of the 180 votes at least 30 came from Palestinians.

This supermajority voting requirement coupled with protections for the minority as well a veto power for the Israeli and Palestinian governments will foster cooperation, since any legislation promoting the national aspirations of one side at the expense of the other will easily be blocked. As a consequence, the representatives will concentrate on initiatives that improve their constituents’ lives.

The IPC believes that confederation legislation reached by consensus will discourage the governments from exercising their vetoes. If legislation has wide popular support among the two peoples, it may be untenable for the one government to veto the legislation without undermining its own legitimacy.

In this sense, a confederation will serve as a bridge between the Palestinian and Israeli governments
Because neither the Israeli government nor the Palestinian Authority is likely to willingly relinquish its monopoly on governance, initially, the Israeli-Palestinian Confederation will have to hold a private election. This also will establish the independence of the body showing that it is not a tool of either the Israelis or the Palestinians.

Direct representation elections for Gaza, Israel and the West Bank is nothing new. Israel has been a functioning parliamentary democracy throughout its existence, and the recent Palestinian elections have been recognized as honest, open and free.

The 300 representatives will not be targets for an extreme or violent group, because members of those groups are motivated by antagonism against their own or the other’s government. These elements believe they can derail the peace process by forcing their respective governments to act aggressively toward the other. A confederation legislature comprised of representatives who do not represent the entire nation will not be considered a threat and any attack on it will not lead to the desired reaction of causing the Israeli or Palestinian governments to lash out.

While there is now no mechanism for the Palestinians and Israelis to solve daily and long term issues for the benefit of both sides, and there are no rules to resolve conflicts when they erupt, the confederation, once effective in demonstrating that Israelis and Palestinians can govern together, will become the de facto authority to establish rules to settle issues, solve problems, and enhance working and living relations between and among the peoples of the region.

At a UCLA symposium held Feb. 26, 2006, Alan Dershowitz surprised many guests with a general approval of a, “Loose confederation, based on the kind that now exists in parts of Europe with economic and other forms of cooperation involving natural resources and water.”

Dershowitz stated that “The Confederation idea is worthy of consideration as long as it does not mean a one state solution.”

He went on to say, “any kind of a Confederation would require that Israel retains its sovereignty, its ability to defend itself, its ability to reflect Jewish culture and history.”

Former President Bill Clinton in a personal letter to this writer was very encouraging of the Confederation idea, perhaps reflecting on his own experience with Ehud Barak and Yasser Arafat,
The European Union is a multinational union of independent states. It is an intergovernmental union of 25 states, each maintaining its own government and identity. Ever since its establishment in 1992 the EU conduct an election every five years for the Common European Parliament. The EU manages to maintain a separate common government for all of the 25 states but yet each one of them has its own separate government.

Switzerland has two chambers in the Legislative Branch. The National Council representing the people and the Council of States representing the cantons.

The Swiss National Council has 200 seats with each canton contributing representatives in proportion to its size. The Council of States has two members for each canton and one member for half canton. The Swiss system is meant to create a balance where the small cantons will be protected from the large.

Indeed, the United States and Canada have a similar formula which combines a federal government overlapping with separate state governments. Each of the 50 states has its own constitution and legislative body. However, each state sends two senators and a proportionate number of congressmen depending on its population size to a common federal government.
The idea of a confederation is widely accepted around the world. It is designed to achieve a mechanism of cooperation while preserving the identity and special needs of its states.