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The Trump era: What if Jewish interests and progressive interests contradict each other?

[additional-authors]
November 17, 2016

It is not rare for a majority of Jewish voters to be dissatisfied with the results of an American election. Most Jewish voters prefer Democratic presidents and hence are dissatisfied when a Republican candidate triumphs. Most Jewish voters are ardent supporters of a Democratic agenda and hence see the ascension of conservative power with disappointment. Had most Jews been just disappointed – even highly disappointed – with the election of Donald Trump, it would have been business as usual. They were disappointed twice when George Bush was elected. They were disappointed when Richard Nixon was elected. They were disappointed when Ronald Reagan was reelected (but not as much when he was first elected).

It is also not rare for the disappointed voter to get carried away in the first days following an election. Some Jews and their leaders got carried away with predictions of doom following the rise to power of previous Republican administrations. They thought that these presidents are going to pursue policies to which these Jews vehemently object. They feared that these presidents would appoint justices whose values they cannot accept. So they mourned and were devastated and were depressed for a few days or weeks. They did not react as Jewish voters – they reacted as staunch Democratic voters.

But with the ascension of Donald Trump things seem to be different. The Jews are not just depressed, many of them are also fearful. They are not just worried about disagreeable policies, many of them are also apprehensive about their future lives as Jews in the United States. Many of them are convinced – they told me so – that the President-elect is anti-Semitic. Many of them would not go as far but still think that President-elect Trump benefits from sanctioning anti-Semitism. Trump got elected, and the Jews ” target=”_blank”>will no longer feel like a heaven for Jews,” as Jonathan Freedland points out.

Are these fears justified? Will the Trump era be problematic for Jews? These are good questions that will be answered with time. In the meantime, the Jews and their leaders and their organizations have to decide what to do next. And again, Trump presents them with a dilemma somewhat different from that of previous presidents. If in the past the majority of Jews reacted to the rise of a Republican administration like Democrats – sorrow, protest, activism, political maneuvering, pragmatic accommodations – this time they need to first decide if their response is an essentially “Democratic response” or a “Jewish response.” And these – some Jews might not understand this – are not always the same.

Let me explain:

A Democratic response is all about politics. Its aim is to disrupt Trump’s policies as much as possible. Its aim is to convince the voters that next time they will be wiser to vote for a Democratic candidate. It is a response based on the assumption that, even though the Trump candidacy was exceptional in many ways, it is still politics-as-usual in America. You win some, you lose some, you have an election, you learn a lesson, you improve, you argue, you maneuver, you play the game. The same game you’ve always played.

A Jewish response is essentially about self-preservation. Its aim is to make sure Jews are safe. Its aim is to reduce the level of anti-Semitism. It is a response based on the assumption that something fundamental has changed in the relations between America and its Jews in this election cycle; that the Jewish community and its institutions must understand what changed, and respond to it wisely; that they must understand there is a new game to be played – or maybe an old game that was forgotten long ago.

It is easy to conflate these two responses, because in some ways the Democratic response and the Jewish response could be similar, or even identical. If one believes that the right way to fight against Trump era politics is to wage demonstrations, and one believes that the right way to fight the Trump era’s anti-Jewish sentiment is also to wage demonstrations, then one has no dilemma: as a Democrat and as a Jew, one would be wise to demonstrate.

But what happens if the political battle and the self-preservation battle call for different approaches? What if the game has changed in ways that makes it essential for Democrats to demonstrate against Trump but makes it dangerous for Jews to be highly visible in demonstrating against Trump? What if battling every move of the new Trump administration is good for the Democratic Party – but trying to get along with the Trump administration is better for Jewish self-preservation?

These are difficult questions. They are culturally tricky, because so many Jews have grown to identify Jewish values with a certain political agenda. They are conceptually tricky, because so many Jews have grown to believe that there can be no tension between what is good for America and what is good for the Jews. They are emotionally awkward, because so many US Jews cannot even imagine being forced to choose – or even prioritize – between a Jewish interest and a general political interest. Hence, these are questions that American Jewish friends with whom I spoke in recent days resisted with gusto. They hated them. When I insisted that we discuss them, one of them told me: “we are not yet there.” Another one told me: “there is no difference – we have to resist Trump with everything we got and hope for the best.” One of them told me: “are you seriously suggesting that we surrender because we fear for ourselves?” One of them told me: “I see your point, but this is a slippery slope.”

I agree: it is a slippery slope. For many years now, the Jews of America have been behaving as if the threat of anti-Semitism is not a serious one. For many years they have been highly visible in political fights, some of which were exceedingly polarizing, without much consideration of whether such involvement could turn certain American groups against the Jews.

If America hasn’t fundamentally changed following the rise of Trump, then the Jews ought not change that habit – but then, they also ought not argue that America has fundamentally changed. However, if America has fundamentally changed in this election, as some Jewish leaders and commentators have hurried to argue, then the considerations and interests of Jewish Americans might have changed too. Maybe they need to be even more vigorous in resisting the new administration – maybe they need to be much less vigorous in resisting the new administration – these are tactical, operational questions. The real question for Jewish Americans is a strategic one: are they fighting first and foremost to advance a general progressive political agenda, or fighting to advance the ability of Jews to thrive in a changed America?

I know, the answer of most progressive Jews to this question is going to be: there is no difference. Or even: there can be no difference. And they are right. In old America there could be no difference.

Is this still the case in Trump’s America?

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